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    <updated>2008-07-24T10:45:28Z</updated>
    
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<entry>
    <title>Nations Congratulate Nepal President, India Delays</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.nepalmonitor.com/2008/07/world_congratulate_nepal_president_india_mum.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://www.nepalmonitor.com/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=1/entry_id=889" title="Nations Congratulate Nepal President, India Delays" />
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    <published>2008-07-22T15:55:06Z</published>
    <updated>2008-07-24T10:45:28Z</updated>
    
    <summary>Nations congratulate Nepal for the republic&apos;s first persident Dr. Ram Baran Yadav, but India took some time to do the same....</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Nepal Monitor</name>
        
    </author>
    
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        <![CDATA[<p>Nations congratulate Nepal for the republic's first persident Dr. Ram Baran Yadav, but India took some time to do the same.</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p><br><span style='font:20.0pt "Arial"'><b>T</b></span>he following are some congratulatory statements from some members of the world community (India, usually the first to react to new developments in Nepal, remained conspicuously silent for a while)<br></p>

<p></p>

<p><strong>India Congratulates, Finally</strong><br />
Indian President  Smt. Pratibha Devisingh Patil 's <a href="http://www.presidentofindia.nic.in/">congratulatory message</a>: <br />
Your election as President represents a new chapter in Nepal's historic democratic transition…I am confident expressed confidence that the Himalayan country would progress further on the path of peace, democracy and development…As a close friend and neighbour, India remained steadfast in its commitment to support Nepal in this critical transition.. I look forward to working with you towards further strengthening the understanding and cooperation between our two countries… [Excerpted from news reports, July 24, 2008]</p>

<p>However, <a href="http://www.presidentofindia.nic.in/">the official site of Smt. President Patil</a> has not posted the congratulatory message yet. </p>

<p>###</p>

<p><b><h4>Japan Congratulates First President and Vice President</h4></b><br />
Kathmandu, July 23, 2008: The following is <a href="http://www.np.emb-japan.go.jp/ann/230708.html">the message </a>issued by the Japanese embassy in Kathmandu: </p>

<p>Upon successful election of the first President, Dr. Ram Baran Yadav and Vice President, Mr. Paramanand Jha, the Government of Japan wishes to extend heartfelt congratulations to the people of Nepal. Japan always has a firm support to the democratization process, for peace and prosperity in the Republic of Nepal.</p>

<p>At this important juncture, Japan sincerely wishes that the peace process will succeed through the concerted efforts of all the political parties, and that the Republic of Nepal will attain long lasting peace, stability and democracy.</p>

<p>Japan is committed to assist the Republic of Nepal's efforts towards this goal, and also confident that the friendly and cooperative relations which exist between the two countries will be further enhanced in the days ahead. </p>

<p>###</p>

<p><br />
<b><h4>China Congratulates Nepal</h4></b><br />
Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Liu Jianchao, (<a href="http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/"> said the following</a> during a regular press briefing in Beijing, on July 22, 2008, thus:</p>

<p>We have noticed that the Constituent Assembly of Nepal has elected the first President and Vice President in history, and the Chinese side is happy to this and expresses its congratulations to the newly elected President Mr. Ram Yadav and Vice President Mr. Paramananda Jha. China, as good neighbor, good friend and good partner of Nepal, sincerely hopes that the peace process of Nepal could keep going ahead, and Nepal could realize political stability, economic development and ethnic unity as well.</p>

<p><br />
A relevant news story <a href="http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2008-07/22/content_8745984.htm">here</a>.</p>

<p>###</p>

<p><br />
<strong>U.S. Congratulates CA and the People of Nepal on Election of a President </strong><br />
US Embassy, Kathmandu, July, 22, 2008 -- <a href="http://nepal.usembassy.gov/pr-05-29-2008.html">U.S. Embassy</a> in Kathmandu issued the following statement: <br />
The United States congratulates the members of the Constituent Assembly and the people of Nepal on the successful election of a President, Dr. Ram Baran Yadav. With a President, and a Vice President, duly elected, the Constituent Assembly can now undertake the next essential steps in the formation of a new government to provide the services and security the people deserve, and to begin the simultaneous work of drafting a new constitution. </p>

<p>####</p>

<p><br />
<strong>EU Congratulates</strong><br />
New Delhi, July 23, 2008-- European Union Heads of Mission in Kathmandu on the first session of the Constituent Assembly meeting (<a href="http://www.ambafrance-np.org/sommaire.php3?id_rubrique=2">a press release</a> from the French embassy, local presidency of the EU): </p>

<p>European Union Heads of Mission in Kathmandu warmly congratulates the first President of the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal, on his election on 21st July 2008, Right Honourable Dr Ram Varan YADAV. This is a historic day. It is a decisive moment the democratic process and building the stable, prosperous future that the people of Nepal justly deserve. The European Union assures the people of Nepal of their continuing support, to help them secure peace, democracy and development.</p>

<p>A related news story <a href="http://www.gorkhapatra.org.np/detail.php?article_id=3761&cat_id=4">here</a>.<br />
####</p>

<p></p>

<p><br />
<strong>United Nations</strong><br />
United Nations, July 22, 2008 - <a href="http://www.britishembassy.gov.uk/servlet/Front?pagename=OpenMarket/Xcelerate/ShowPage&c=Page&cid=1070039733672">Statement</a> by the Spokesperson for Ban-Ki Moon, UN Secretary:</p>

<p>The Secretary-General warmly congratulates Dr. Ram Baran Yadav on his election as the first President of the Republic of Nepal.  He calls on all parties to cooperate in forming a new Government which will carry forward Nepal’s peace process.</p>

<p><br />
####</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>UN Favors Downsized Presence in Nepal</title>
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    <published>2008-07-19T12:05:37Z</published>
    <updated>2008-07-23T12:19:11Z</updated>
    
    <summary>UN Security Council favors exending downsized political mission, following Nepal government&apos;s request for continued UN presence....</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Nepal Monitor</name>
        
    </author>
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://www.nepalmonitor.com/">
        <![CDATA[<p>UN Security Council favors exending downsized political mission, following Nepal government's request for continued UN presence. </p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p><br><br></p>

<p><em>The following is a statement issued by the UN Department of Public Information regarding UMIN's downsized pesence in Nepal: </em></p>

<p>Nepal’s request for a six-month extension of a scaled down United Nations special political mission in the country, focused mainly on monitoring the management of arms and armed personnel of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and the Nepal Army, received the support of Security Council members this morning.</p>

<p>Presenting the Secretary-General’s recommendations on the matter, his Special Representative in Nepal, Ian Martin, outlined the latest developments in the country, which included the formation of a federal democratic republic to replace the monarchy by the newly elected Constituent Assembly, and its election tomorrow of the country’s first President.  Also, a broad-ranging agreement had been signed on 25 June by the leaders of the Seven-Party Alliance.</p>

<p>The most contentious and unresolved issue, however, had been the sharing of posts and power among the parties, he said.  Efforts to achieve consensus appeared to have broken down, ahead of tomorrow’s vote, with potentially serious consequences for the support base of a new Government.  The responsibilities within the Government for the security sector and for decisions regarding the future of the Maoist army had been an important element in the negotiations, and one of particular relevance for the continued role requested of the United Nations.</p>

<p>If the Council extended the mandate of the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN), the Special Representative would continue to be supported by a Political Affairs Section, while the Arms Monitoring Office would continue at approximately half its previous strength of 186 arms monitors, Mr. Martin said.  Meanwhile, UNMIN had been working closely with the United Nations country team to ensure the transfer of functions and experience at the end of its mandate.</p>

<p>The Council was also addressed by Nepal’s representative, who said that the country had completed several important milestones in its peace process, which was nearing its logical conclusion.   Nepal would soon have a new Government that would most likely be led by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), which had won most seats in the Assembly.  UNMIN had made an important contribution to that process.</p>

<p>He pointed out that most of the Mission’s mandate had been accomplished, but the country had yet to conclude its arrangements on cantonment of Maoist army personnel, which were being monitored by UNMIN.  Therefore, his Government had decided to request an extension of the Mission for another six months at a smaller scale to engage itself in the remainder of the mandate.</p>

<p>He also explained that the Secretary-General had sought clarification on the matter and, on behalf of the Government of Nepal, the Permanent Representative had provided it. In particular, he had clarified that the Government’s 8 July letter was a combined position of major political parties.  As requested by the Government, the Mission would have to “engage itself for the remainder of the mandate”, which “relates to the ongoing work on monitoring the management of arms and armed personnel in line with the agreement among the political parties and assisting in implementing the agreement”.</p>

<p>Speakers in today’s debate welcomed the positive developments in Nepal, which was now undergoing a democratic transition, and supported the extension of a downsized Mission.  However, most of them agreed that the remaining challenges should not be ignored, including the human rights situation, the need to improve security, address impunity, deal with the concerns of historically disadvantaged groups and demobilize and reintegrate child soldiers.  Speakers also emphasized the importance of ensuring a participative and inclusive political process in the country and said that measures to support peace in Nepal had to go hand in hand with an economic programme, based on poverty reduction.  Furthermore, the establishment of a single national army and ongoing efforts for demobilization and reinsertion were key factors leading to stability and peace in the country.</p>

<p>Statements were made by representatives of the United Kingdom, Belgium, Costa Rica, China, Burkina Faso, United States, South Africa, France, Indonesia, Russian Federation, Libya, Croatia, Panama, Italy, Viet Nam, India and Japan.</p>

<p>The meeting was called to order at 10:15 a.m. and adjourned at 12 noon.</p>

<p><br />
<em><strong>Background</strong></em></p>

<p>When the Security Council met this morning, it had before it the report of the Secretary-General on the request of Nepal for United Nations assistance in support of its peace process (document S/2008/454), dated 10 July, in which the Secretary-General recommends a one-month extension of the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN), until 23 August, pending further clarification from the Nepalese Government about the scope of support it would like to receive from the Mission, in order for the Secretary-General to recommend a continuing United Nations presence in the form of a special political mission.</p>

<p>UNMIN was established as a special political mission, with a mandate to monitor the management of arms and armed personnel of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and the Nepal Army, assist in monitoring ceasefire arrangements, provide support for the conduct of the election of a Constituent Assembly and provide a small team of electoral monitors.</p>

<p>According to the report, the convening on 28 May of the democratically elected Constituent Assembly was a milestone in the peace process.  The Assembly voted by 560 votes to 4 to end the 239-year-old monarchy and to implement a Federal Democratic Republic.  Impediments to form a Government were removed on 25 June, when the Seven-Party Alliance signed the “agreement between the political parties to amend the Constitution and take forward the peace process”.</p>

<p>A key issue in the negotiations leading to the agreement was the integration, rehabilitation and management of arms and the confinement of Maoist army personnel to cantonments, the report further states.  A special committee would start work within 15 days of the formation of a Council of Ministers, a time frame of six months, beyond which the country would bear no responsibility for verified combatants who have not been integrated or rehabilitated.  The agreement stipulates that a request will be made for the United Nations to continue for a further six months “its current work of monitoring the management of arms and armies”, in accordance with the terms of the Agreement on Monitoring the Management of Arms and Armies.</p>

<p>The report states that, after the successful completion of the 10 April election, UNMIN electoral staff were withdrawn from the districts and regions, and the Electoral Assistance Office closed on 31 May.  The number of arms monitors has declined to 155 out of the authorized strength of 186.  UNMIN overall staffing was 802 out of the authorized strength of 1,045 personnel.  An end-of-mission task force was established in May in preparation for the end of the Mission’s mandate on 23 July, in order to ensure an effective transfer of residual tasks and to assist staff, both national and international, to apply for alternative employment.  Of the 155 arms monitors, 65 will end their tour of duty by mid-July.  Should the current mandate be extended, 90 arms monitors will remain in the Mission.</p>

<p>The report then describes UNMIN’s activities in the areas of arms monitoring; mine action; electoral support; civil affairs; gender, social inclusion and child protection; political affairs; public information and outreach; and safety and security.  It also analyses the human rights situation in the country.</p>

<p>The Secretary-General states that, although he had not anticipated a further extension of UNMIN’s mandate, the continuing delay in forming a new Government has prevented discussions regarding assistance for the completion and consolidation of the peace process and Nepal’s long-term development.  His Special Representative has been made aware of a broad consensus among political parties and civil society that a continuing United Nations political presence and monitoring of the management of arms and armed personnel remain important.</p>

<p>On 8 July, the Secretary-General received a letter from the Permanent Mission of Nepal transmitting a formal request of the interim Government for the continuation of UNMIN “at a smaller scale to engage itself in the remainder of the mandate for a period of another six months”.  According to that letter, “the remainder of the mandate relates to the ongoing work on monitoring the management of arms and army personnel”.</p>

<p>The Secretary-General believes that monitoring of arms and armed personnel should continue to be provided within the framework of a special political mission, which can continue to offer the necessary support for the completion of the peace process.  The letter received, however, lacks the clarity required to recommend a continuing United Nations presence in the form of a special political mission.  Further clarification is being sought.  He, therefore, recommends a one-month extension of UNMIN, in order to give the new Government time to respond.</p>

<p>If, however, matters are clarified and a six-month extension is mandated, the Council should receive a report after three months on progress and further possible downsizing of the Mission, as it should be possible to reduce the requirement for monitoring arms and armed personnel once the Nepalese special committee begins its work.  Financial implications will be absorbed, to the extent possible, within the 2008 budget.</p>

<p>UNMIN has drawn up a contingency plan for a radically downsized mission that could respond to those requirements, according to the report.  The Electoral Assistance Office has already been closed.  The Arms Monitoring Office would be maintained, initially at the strength of 90 arms monitors.  The Office of Civil Affairs would be closed.  The Gender, Social Affairs and Child Protection Sections would be closed, except for the retention of two Child Protection Officers, until minors have been discharged from the cantonments.  Political staffing would be dependent on whether it is decided to retain a Special Representative as the head of the Mission.  The plans would effect a reduction of at least 70 per cent in the substantive staffing of UNMIN.</p>

<p></p>

<p><strong><em>Briefing</em></strong></p>

<p>Briefing the Security Council, the Secretary-General’s Special Representative in Nepal, IAN MARTIN, said that Nepal’s newly elected Constituent Assembly, during its first meeting on 28 May, had voted to implement a federal democratic republic.  The former King had left the palace without incident to remain peacefully in Nepal.  Tomorrow, the Assembly was scheduled to elect Nepal’s first President and to proceed to name a Prime Minister, who would form a new Government.  While the Special Representative’s anticipated discussion with the newly formed Government had obviously not taken place, the Security Council now had before it a request, based on consensus among the main parties, for an extension of UNMIN’s mandate.  The clarification of the request sought by the Secretary-General had now been received through Nepal’s Permanent Representative.</p>

<p>Summarizing the outcome and “the unfinished business” of the negotiations that had delayed the formation of the new Government, he said that the interim Constitution had provided for the decision regarding a republic to be made by the first meeting of the Assembly, but it was silent on the arrangements for the functions of the Head of State during the drafting of the new Constitution.  It provided for a Prime Minister to be selected by political consensus, or, failing that, by a two-thirds majority, and similarly to be subjected to removal by a two-thirds majority vote.  The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), which had campaigned for its own leader to become Executive President and whose members constituted over one third of the Assembly, had been persuaded in the post-election negotiations to agree to the amendment of the interim Constitution to provide for a President and Vice-President, with the Prime Minister remaining executive head of Government, and to allow for the Prime Minister to be elected or ousted by a simple majority.  Those were aspects of a broad-ranging agreement signed on 25 June by leaders of the Seven-Party Alliance.</p>

<p>After the agreement had been signed, however, the Assembly had been unable to proceed immediately to adopt the required amendments to the interim Constitution, as the newly elected Madhesi parties, which had not been party to the above-mentioned negotiations, but formed the fourth largest block in the Assembly, had demanded that undertakings given to them in the February agreement with the Interim Government should also be entrenched in constitutional amendments, he explained.  Their interpretation of the February agreement had included the acceptance of the highly controversial demand for the Tarai plains of southern Nepal to become an autonomous Madhesi province within the future federal State.  Only last Sunday, the Assembly had voted on the amendments to the interim Constitution, with members of the Madhesi parties boycotting, but no longer obstructing, the proceedings.</p>

<p>He said that, with the conclusion of the 25 June agreement, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala of the Nepali Congress had announced his resignation, but had remained at the head of the caretaker cabinet, in which ministers from the other two main parties had ceased to participate.  The most contentious and unresolved issue had been the sharing of posts and power among the parties.  Efforts to achieve consensus appeared to have broken down ahead of tomorrow’s vote, with potentially serious consequences for the support base of a new Government.  The responsibilities within Government for the security sector and for decisions regarding the future of the Maoist army had been an important element in the negotiations, and one of particular relevance for the continued role requested of the United Nations.</p>

<p>Among other things, he continued, it had been agreed and provided by the constitutional amendments that members of political parties not included in the Government should be represented in the special committee to be established under the interim Constitution to “supervise, integrate and rehabilitate” the combatants of the Maoist army.  The inter-party negotiations had displayed wide differences of view regarding the future of combatants, which were not resolved, although the process by which the special committee would carry out its task was somewhat elaborated.  The 25 June agreement required that the integration and rehabilitation of the Maoist combatants would be carried out within six months and, in that context, provided that a request be made for UNMIN to continue monitoring the management of arms and armies for six more months.</p>

<p>He added that the Government had thus written formally to the Secretary-General on 8 July requesting such ongoing monitoring and assistance.  Having been instructed to seek further clarification, the Secretary-General’s Special Representative had met with each of the leaders of the three largest parties: the Prime Minister, who was President of the Nepali Congress; the Chair of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), who was expected to be Prime Minister of a Maoist-led Government; and the General Secretary of the Communist Party Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML).  Each of them had confirmed their wish that UNMIN continue as a special political mission, headed by a Special Representative.  However, the process remained, and would remain, fully Nepalese-owned.  The wishes of Nepal’s Government and leading political parties had also been clarified to the Secretary-General by the Nepal’s Permanent Representative.  Mr. Martin was thus authorized to convey to the Council the Secretary-General’s recommendation that the mandate of UNMIN be extended, as requested by Nepal, for six months.</p>

<p>Shortly before leaving Nepal, he had participated in ceremonies marking the closure of UNMIN’s five regional offices, he said.  The plans envisaged were that, if the Council extended UNMIN’s mandate, the Special Representative would continue to be supported by a Political Affairs Section, while the Arms Monitoring Office would continue at approximately half its previous strength of 186 arms monitors. He had been advised that it was viable for a time, but he hoped that early decisions by the special committee supervising the Maoist combatants could reduce, for example, the burden of around-the-clock monitoring of eight weapons storage areas.  Meanwhile, UNMIN had been working closely with the United Nations country team to ensure the transfer of functions and experience at the end of its mandate.</p>

<p>He also expressed concern about how rapidly the new Government would be able to move forward in implementing the 25 June agreement, which depended greatly on the degree of multi-party cooperation.  He also recalled that the Comprehensive Peace Agreement required an action plan for democratization of the Nepal Army, to include determining its appropriate size, training in the values of democracy and human rights, ensuring its democratic structure and building its national and inclusive character.  One contentions aspect of recent negotiations with the Madhesi parties was the precise nature of the commitment to greater inclusion of the Madhesis in the Nepal Army.  Following the abolition of the monarchy, which in the past had exercised full de facto control of the Army, Nepal lacked the machinery for effective accountability of the Army to an elected Government. Ideally, decisions about the future of the Maoist combatants should be taken in the context of broader decisions about the security sector.</p>

<p>Those issues would require attention far beyond the next six months, he said.  In that context, the Council would want to review progress, in order to ensure that good use was being made of the limited further presence of UNMIN.  The Secretary-General, thus, had recommended a review after three months, which would focus on further downsizing and other steps, towards the end of the mandate, in the context of the new Government’s progress.  The Council would no doubt expect that to include a report that the minors and others excluded by UNMIN’s verification had belatedly been discharged, with appropriate support and integration.  That was by no means the only challenge facing Nepal.  The lack of progress in delivering on compensation for victims of the conflict, investigation of disappearances and return of property and displaced persons to their homes remained a source of deep grievances.  The 25 June agreement had made fresh promises in those respects.</p>

<p>He added that the dangers of the vacuum of effective State authority at the local level had become increasingly evident during the period of protracted national-level negotiations.  The constitutional amendments provided that, until local elections could be held, interim bodies would be formed at the district, municipality and village levels.  Some Nepalese said that the peace process could not be regarded as complete until a new Constitution had been adopted and the first elections held accordingly.   All agreed that it was not complete while there were two armies in the country.  It was for the purpose of assisting Nepal in reaching beyond that still dangerous condition that its main political actors believed that a limited further presence of UNMIN was needed, and the Secretary-General supported that request.</p>

<p></p>

<p><strong><em>Statements</em></strong></p>

<p>KAREN PIERCE ( United Kingdom) said that Nepal’s elections had created the most diverse and representative Assembly in the country’s history.  Challenges remained, including the fact that, despite long negotiations between the parties, the formation of a new Government had not been possible.  There seemed to be lack of trust and consensus between the parties.  The future of former combatants was an issue of constant concern, and it was disappointing, therefore, that the parties had been unable to reach agreement.  Swift implementation of the 25 June agreement was a priority.</p>

<p>She said that UNMIN would be well placed to support the work through the monitoring of arms and armed personnel.  She welcomed the Mission’s proposed reconfiguration.  It was important that the Mission, over the next sixth months, reduce its presence further, as soon as was appropriate.  She supported the mandate extension, but monitoring of arms and armed personnel beyond six months should not be necessary.  The Council must express its clear expectation that the parties would quickly implement the agreement.</p>

<p>JAN GRAULS ( Belgium) said that Nepal had just gone through many historic “firsts”: the elections of the Constituent Assembly; the establishment of a federal republic; and the appointment of a first President.  In no peace process had the word “ownership” been so meaningful.  While Nepal had enjoyed the support of the international community, it had been the driving force of its own peace process.  Women represented more than a third of the Constituent Assembly.  It was crucial that women be equally involved in charting the future of the country.  </p>

<p>He said, however, that challenges should not be ignored.  The human rights situation remained disquieting.  Lasting peace could not be based on extrajudicial executions or impunity.  Transitional judicial mechanisms should be provided for.  He also drew attention to the urgent case of child combatants who had not yet been demobilized.  The United Nations was a lead supporter to Nepal’s peace process, and should now encourage the parties to swiftly implement the 25 June accord.  On that basis, he supported the extension of UNMIN’s mandate. </p>

<p>SAÚL WEISLEDER (Costa Rica) welcomed the update on the situation in Nepal and said that, with the elections held for the Assembly, and following the announcement of a federal democratic republic and tomorrow’s election of the President, it was important to consider the changes for a society that had undergone such significant developments.  The new form of Government would not take shape easily or spontaneously.  New, sometimes unforeseen, obstacles could surface.  Clear leadership, with a sense of vision, should guide the people in a constructive manner.  Armed force must fully give way to reason.   Nepal had started to forge its democracy, and the United Nations should continue to play a role. </p>

<p>He said he supported UNMIN’s extension for a further six months.  After that, he hoped the main political parties<br />
would start to tackle the key challenges in a democratic manner, including the strengthening of police forces, to ensure the safety and security of the population and the rule of law.  The violent incidents that had involved some police elements after the elections must be halted.</p>

<p>Involvement of children in armed conflict was unacceptable, he said, calling for demobilization of minors and their rehabilitation in society.  They should be provided with education, health services and opportunities.  Also unacceptable was impunity.  Transitional justice mechanisms should be established, as there would be no lasting peace without justice.  Those involved in acts of extrajudicial justice should be tried.  The issue of human rights was fundamental.  Cooperation between the national human rights commission and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) should be strengthened.</p>

<p>He also emphasized that the extension of UNMIN’s mandate had the central aim of disbandment and management of arms and completion of the reconciliation process.  That should be UNMIN’s main undertaking.  Other entities and the Government should focus on other indispensable tasks for building democracy.   Nepal now approached a new peace phase, further strengthening human rights, while the national economy was in a difficult situation.  The rise in oil prices further exacerbated the situation and required great wisdom and solidarity.  He trusted Nepal would exhibit those qualities.  He also emphasized the need to establish a clear date for the conclusion of the Mission.  That was not about trying to rush things, but about expediting actions and acting accordingly.  The country was putting an end to long years of instability, and he reiterated his strong support for those efforts.</p>

<p>LA YIFAN ( China) said that, as a neighbouring country, China took great pleasure at the continuing progress in Nepal’s peace process, which had led to the election of the Constituent Assembly and the declaration of the federal democratic republic.  Various parties were now engaged in positive consultations towards the formation of a new Government.  He was confident that the Government and the people would have the wisdom to settle remaining issues through dialogue.</p>

<p>Welcoming the strong support UNMIN had given to Nepal, he said that Nepal had requested for a six-month mandate extension of the Mission at reduced capacity.  He supported such an extension under the prerequisite of a clear mandate, and encouraged UNMIN to continue monitoring management of arms and armed personnel in order to create a good security environment for a smooth election process.</p>

<p>MICHEL KAFANDO ( Burkina Faso) said that the peace process seemed to be following its normal course, even though there were some upsets.  Those were to be expected as the country went through political change.  Included in the progress made had been the signing of the 25 June agreement, which was to amend the Constitution and advance the peace process.  It was crucial to have a participative and inclusive process that reflected all components, including the Maoist faction.  Dialogue was the only course for real peace in Nepal.  He hoped those factors would lead speedily to an inclusive Government that could tackle the many development and reconstruction challenges.</p>

<p>He said that, because there had been some violations of human rights and emergence of new armed groups, the security situation needed particular attention.  Steps must be taken to strengthen policing and transitional justice mechanisms.  Measures to support peace in Nepal had to go hand in hand with an economic programme, based on poverty reduction and supported by the international community.  He welcomed the commitment of UNMIN in the service of the Nepalese people.  As Nepalese authorities had requested an extension of the mandate, he supported that request.</p>

<p>JEFFREY DELAURENTIS ( United States) said he supported the request for UNMIN’s extension at a reduced level, so it could complete the remaining elements of its mandate, especially management of arms and armed personnel.  The United States strongly supported the Mission in Nepal and commended the work of the Special Representative and his staff.  He urged all parties to settle their differences through peaceful dialogue, so that the country’s future could be characterized by democratic change and economic development.  He called on the Government to address the concerns of historically disadvantaged groups, so all could share equally in the process of nation-building.  The United States had provided nearly $10 million in assistance for Nepal’s economic sector reform, civil society and legal institutions, among other things.  He urged other donors to contribute to the country’s successful transition.  The United States remained committed to ensuring that UNMIN successfully fulfilled its mandate.</p>

<p>DUMISANI KUMALO ( South Africa) said that, since the adoption of resolution 1740 (2007) and UNMIN’s subsequent establishment, the Nepalese people had made significant strides towards peace and democracy.  He welcomed those efforts, particularly the successful elections in April, which had reflected the diversity of the country’s population.  The next step was the formation of the Government and national institutions, and he had no doubt that the Nepalese people would be successful in that venture.  He was confident that the relevant parties would complete that process in due time.  The international community should support the country in tackling the challenges ahead.</p>

<p>From the Secretary-General’s report, he noted that the establishment of the democratic republic in Nepal had taken place in a generally peaceful environment.  Significant challenges remained, however, including the completion of the peace process and long-term development.  He encouraged all parties to continue working in a spirit of cooperation and to pursue dialogue.  He also underlined the importance of national ownership in addressing the challenges, and called upon all parties to uphold all previous agreements.</p>

<p>Turning to the role of UNMIN, he applauded its staff for their dedication, particularly commending their efforts in the areas of arms monitoring, electoral support, gender and social inclusion, and child protection.  In light of the Government’s request for UNMIN to continue on a smaller scale for another six months, he stood ready to support that request.  He hoped the mandate extension would enable the Mission to continue its work, particularly in monitoring the management of arms and armed personnel.  The Government should utilize the expertise of the Mission for the benefit of all the people. </p>

<p>NICOLAS DE RIVIÈRE ( France) said the development of the situation over the past months had been positive.  The elections were a success for the people of Nepal, as well as for the role of the United Nations.  Vigilance was necessary because of delays in the establishment of the new Government.  Peacebuilding and democracy-building were long–term processes that had only just started.  The Council should respond positively to the Nepalese request for a six-month mandate extension.  By continuing its work of monitoring of arms and armed personnel, a task on which UNMIN should focus, Nepalese authorities would be given time to find solutions to the problems it had to tackle in order to complete the peace process.</p>

<p>He said that the Nepalese authorities, however, had to shoulder their responsibilities, particularly regarding the integration of ex-combatants.  The lack of progress made in the release of children from the Maoist cantonment sites was a matter of concern.  At the end of UNMIN’s mandate, the international community would remain committed to the Nepalese people.  Nepal could also count on the continued solidarity of the European Union, its primary donor.  The Union had sent an observer mission of 100 observers to monitor the elections and also supported economic and social rehabilitation and democracy-building.</p>

<p>HASAN KLEIB ( Indonesia) said that, after years of internal conflict, Nepal deserved peace, stability and prosperity.  The creation of a federal democratic republic was a historic triumph for the people of Nepal.  The role of the Nepalese Electoral Commission in the Constituent Assembly election had been commendable, and the high representation of women in the Government was exemplary.  The signing by the Seven-Party Alliance of the 25 June agreement and other achievements should serve as a stepping stone for further tangible progress on other critical goals, as stipulated in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement.  All parties concerned should remain committed to the peace process and exercise the utmost restraint from actions that could undermine it.</p>

<p>He said that, in the post-election period, the Government had to tackle some critical matters.  Management of arms and armed personnel still needed to be completed, and former combatants were yet to be integrated and rehabilitated.  There were concerns arising from the state of discharge of minors from cantonments.  For a robust democracy, all segments of Nepalese society should be included.  He welcomed, in that regard, the representation of a variety of ethnic groups previously underrepresented in the Assembly.  The promotion of human rights, as well as the rule of law, remained a challenge, and the situation in the Terai region warranted particular attention.  The incidence of extrajudicial killings in the aftermath of the elections was deplorable.  Preventive measures were needed in addressing land-related conflicts.</p>

<p>Since UNMIN had been requested by Nepal, its future should naturally be decided by the people and Government of Nepal.  He, therefore, supported the Government’s request for the continuation of UNMIN on a smaller scale, focusing on the ongoing work of monitoring the management of arms and armed personnel.</p>

<p>KONSTANTIN DOLGOV ( Russian Federation) welcomed recent positive political changes in Nepal, saying he was convinced they would favourably impact the peace process.  The democratic elections, democratic reform of the Government and tomorrow’s election would be important milestones.  He expected the agreement of 25 June to have an important impact on advancing the democratic process.  All those developments had become possible due to the readiness of the main political forces to get involved in constructive joint efforts.  He hoped that a similar spirit would be displayed in other areas of the peace process.</p>

<p>After the Assembly elections, the main elements of UMNIN’s mandate had been successfully completed, and he thanked the Special Representative for his efforts. His delegation supported the request for the Mission’s six-month extension in a downsized form and agreed with the mandate of monitoring arms and armed forces.  The report of the Secretary-General had reaffirmed that the Mission had a great potential to provide assistance in the delineated areas.  He also supported the gradual downsizing of the Mission and took an optimistic view of the future of Nepal, the main responsibility for which lay with its people and Government.</p>

<p>IBRAHIM O. A. DABBASHI ( Libya) said he was grateful for the Mission’s efforts in Nepal and welcomed recent positive changes there.  The formation of the democratic republic was a milestone in the history of the country.  He was pleased to see a seven-party alliance, which had helped to eradicate several obstacles towards the establishment of a new Government.  He hoped the parties would reach agreement shortly on the distribution of portfolios and that the new Government would be formed shortly.  In spite of the partial success achieved by the people, further impetus should be provided for the peace process.  He was concerned about the deteriorating security situation in certain regions, particularly the upsurge of crime by armed groups, abductions, emergence of new armed groups and renewed campaigns of proselytization and marginalization of certain peoples.</p>

<p>Continuing, he invited the new Government, which he hoped would take office as soon as possible, to further strengthen the institutions, based on the rule of law.  He also sought improvements in the security situation, as well as an end to impunity.  Furthermore, the establishment of a single national army with a single commander-in-chief and ongoing efforts for demobilization and reinsertion were key factors leading to stability and peace.  The provisions of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement must be respected, as well as recent agreements with regard to the reintegration, rehabilitation and demobilization of minors.  The concerns of marginalized groups must be allayed.  All that should be done in cooperation and coordination with the United Nations.  He set great store in the work of the United Nations country team, supporting its strategy to build peace by reforming the State and preventing emergence of conflict, thus assisting national reconciliation.  He approved the Secretary-General’s recommendations to extend the mandate of UNMIN, in accordance with the Nepalese Government’s request.</p>

<p>VICE SKRAČIĆ ( Croatia) said that Nepal had emerged as a new society and the people had demonstrated an admirable ability for consensus.  The process that had begun in 2006 with the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, however, was not yet completed and the peace process was still evolving.  While welcoming the 25 June agreement, he said it was now crucial that all parties sustain their commitment for an inclusive process during the transitional period.  Also important was for traditionally marginalized groups to participate.  He hoped the new Government would focus on the remaining issues in the peace process, as well as on immediate challenges that impacted the population, including food shortages and rising fuel prices.</p>

<p>He said that UNMIN had contributed to Nepal’s peace, stability and democracy.  Now was the time to adapt the Mission to the new reality and give it a six-month mandate on a smaller scale.  Monitoring of arms and armed personnel should be provided in the framework of a political mission.  While considering an exit strategy, the remaining challenges identified in the Secretary-General’s report should be taken into consideration.  Some of those required sustained attention, such as mine clearance and democratization of the Army.</p>

<p>ANDRÉS DE VENGOECHEA ( Panama) reiterated his observation that the States directly involved should be able to make statements before Council members.  He said that the holding of elections and the establishment of the Constituent Assembly were historic acts in which UNMIN had played a constructive role.  The majority of UNMIN’s mandate had already been implemented.  At Nepal’s request, monitoring of arms and armed personnel should underpin UNMIN’s new mandate.  It was crucial for the Mission to retain the character of a political mission with specific, time-bound goals.</p>

<p>He said the responsibilities to be shouldered by the new Government were immense, and security sector reform was a critical undertaking.  Based on its own experience, his country supported the voluntary disarmament of both armies -– Maoist and national, as well as the establishment of a new civilian police force including members both groups.  The integration of Maoist combatants into a democratic army would only increase the size of such an army, in a small country with few threats.</p>

<p>ALDO MANTOVANI ( Italy) expressed appreciation for the historical accomplishments in Nepal.  The parties’ commitment to democracy should be praised, as well as the efforts of the Special Representative.  However, he had learned with some concern that there had been some difficulties in the post-election period, including increased activities of some armed groups.  The differences had prevented the creation of a new Government.  The 25 June agreement was welcome, but it left some issues unsolved.  The successful holding of April elections should be followed by concrete actions to solve the remaining issues.</p>

<p>While emphasizing the importance of national ownership, he said that the international community’s assistance would continue to be required for such complex process as disarmament, inclusion of women and marginalized groups, and accountability mechanisms for past crimes.  Taking note of the Nepalese request for the extension of the Mission, he supported maintaining the United Nations presence within the terms of the Secretary-General’s reasonable recommendations.  He appreciated the fact that the extension would be granted in the form of a special political mission.  His delegation was ready to support the draft prepared by United Kingdom.  He also appreciated the plans for substantive downsizing of the Mission, but added that phasing out the civil affairs components should be accompanied by strengthening similar functions of the country team.</p>

<p>Speaking in his national capacity, Council President BUI THE GIANG ( Viet Nam) said that experience showed that countries coming out of a prolonged civil conflict had to cope with developmental challenges, damaged infrastructures and weak institutional capacities.  Nepal faced challenges to peace and development, for example, in building new governance institutions -– let alone, the rise in fuel prices, food shortages and, hence, increasing poverty.  Given those challenges and the multifaceted need for Nepal to sustain its post-conflict endeavours, it was necessary to take an integrated approach that included security measures and social and economic development programmes.  The international community and donors also had a very important role to play in response to the Government’s request.</p>

<p>He said that, since UNMIN had been established at the request of the Government, any decision on its mandate should be made with consideration of the proposal of Nepal.  He, therefore, supported extending the Mission for six months, as a special political mission focusing on monitoring arms and armed personnel, in order to complete the peace process.</p>

<p>MADHU RAMAN ACHARYA ( Nepal) said his country had completed several important milestones in its peace process, which was nearing its logical conclusion.  With the successful holding of the Constituency Assembly elections and the declaration of Nepal as a federal democratic republic, a new political transformation had begun.  The country was likely to see the first President of the republic elected tomorrow.  It would soon have a new Government that would most likely be led by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), which had won the most seats in the Assembly.  UNMIN had made an important contribution to that process.</p>

<p>He said that the Mission, when created in January 2007, had been mandated to, among other things, monitor the ceasefire, assist elections and monitor management of arms and armed personnel.  Most of that mandate had been accomplished.  However, the country had yet to conclude its arrangements on cantonment, which were being monitored by UNMIN.  Therefore, his Government had decided to request an extension of the Mission for another six months on a smaller scale, in order for the Mission to complete its mandate.  The Secretary-General had sought clarification on the matter and on behalf of the Nepalese Government the Permanent Representative had provided those clarifications.  In particular, he had clarified that the Government’s 8 July letter was a combined position of the major political parties, including the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), which would most likely lead the next Government.  Even after the formation of the next Government, there was the least possibility of amending the letter and its contents, which had been agreed after intensive political discussion among the parties.</p>

<p>The 8 July letter clearly stated the Government’s desire to request UNMIN’s extension on a smaller scale, he continued.  That meant the extension of the special political mission as stipulated in resolution 1740 (2007).  The Mission would have to “engage itself for the remainder of the mandate”, which “relates to the ongoing work on monitoring the management of arms and armed personnel in line with the agreement among the political parties and assisting in implementing the agreement”.  That was obvious because the rest of the mandate laid out in resolution 1740 had already been accomplished.  His Government assumed that the Mission’s political leadership would be continued at the level of the Special Representative and retain adequate political and administrative staff, and arms monitors.   Nepal concurred with the rest of the staffing and transition arrangements, as proposed by the Secretary-General in relation to the Mission’s downsizing. </p>

<p>A temporary month-long extension would not be helpful in the transition towards the formation of a new Government, or in the ongoing discussion on matters related to the management of arms and arms personnel among the major political actors, he said.  Clarification had also been conveyed to the Special Representative in his meetings with political leadership.  His Government favoured extending the Mission, as per its request.  He was pleased that the Secretary-General had accepted the country’s explanation and had asked the Special Representative to convey his decision to recommend extending UNMIN for a further six months.  He was confident that the Council would support that request.</p>

<p>NIRUPAM SEN ( India) said that, since India and Nepal shared an open border, with open access to markets and privileged access for their citizens, no country had more to gain from peace, stability and development in Nepal than India.  India had strongly supported the peace process in Nepal, the ownership of which was entirely indigenous.  The country had warmly welcomed every positive step taken by Nepalese stakeholders in a complex and sensitive process.  Despite facing complex challenges in its peace process, Nepal and its leaders had indigenously addressed each of them.</p>

<p>He said that, taking into account the current situation on the ground, he fully supported Nepal’s request to extend the mandate of UNMIN for a further six months.  Nepal’s request pertained to the remainder of the original mandate, with nothing implied and nothing to be interpreted.  It seemed inappropriate, therefore, bearing in mind that UNMIN had been established at the request of Nepal, for the Secretary-General to advice the Council to extend the mandate for one month unless the request was “clarified”.  “In other words, unless Nepal’s request was in line with what UNMIN wants it to say, the request is not good enough!”</p>

<p>The Secretary-General’s report had mentioned that UNMIN had been “made aware” of a broad consensus within Nepal that continuation of a United Nations political presence was important for the completion of the peace process, he said.  UNMIN’s support, however, had not been sought in taking decisions on issues relating to the peace process.  Support was needed regarding implementation of aspects of the peace process that required internationally accepted monitoring.  He noted a consistent effort to expand the definition of what Nepal sought in terms of support.  He urged the Council to accept the Nepalese request in letter and in spirit; the continuation of UNMIN on a smaller scale, to engage in the remainder of the mandate for a period of six months.</p>

<p>YUKIO TAKASU ( Japan) congratulated the people and Government of Nepal for conducting the successful election of the Constituent Assembly in April.  Credit for the success went to the people themselves, but UNMIN and the international community had also played an indispensable role.   Japan had joined other partners in sending 24 electoral observers and two parliamentarians to support the historic election.  At the first session of the Constituent Assembly, Nepal had declared itself a federal democratic republic and he commended all the parties that had respected the will of the people and carried out the transition in a peaceful manner.  The parties were now engaged in consultations to formulate a new Government.  That process of political dialogue among all parties reflected the sound state of the new democracy.  The people had proven their wisdom that political differences could be addressed through dialogue, without resorting to violence.  He strongly urged all Nepalese people to maintain that strong momentum towards democratic governance and to refrain from violence.  He also highly appreciated the good offices of the Special Representative.</p>

<p>He said Nepal needed some time to consider the future of the soldiers in cantonment, which was a cornerstone to consolidating durable peace.  As it was a critical time to achieve lasting peace and stability in the country, Japan supported the extension of UNMIN’s mandate for six months, along the lines of the Government’s request.  The arms monitors, including those from Japan, had ably carried out their duties and he was convinced that arms monitoring would be effectively conducted under the extended mandate.  At the same time, the United Nations could not continue to monitor arms and soldiers indefinitely.  He, therefore, urged the parties to come to an agreement on the future status of their army, as soon as possible, while the Mission continued to monitor the activities for a limited extended period.   Japan was firmly committed to supporting Nepal’s peacebuilding efforts.   Japan’s Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs, Osamu Uno, had just visited Nepal two days ago to convey his country’s commitment.  Among other things, he would address the issue of child soldiers, in cooperation with the United Nations Children’s Fund, and promote socio-economic infrastructure and reduction of poverty throughout the country.</p>

<p><br />
<em><a href="http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2008/sc9401.doc.htm">Here</a> is the text of this document.</em></p>

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<entry>
    <title>Sapana Malla Gets 2008 Gruber Prize</title>
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    <published>2008-07-09T17:50:36Z</published>
    <updated>2008-07-15T03:20:08Z</updated>
    
    <summary>The activist lawyer grabs more than NRs. 1 crore worth in cash and a gold medal for her role on women&apos;s issues....</summary>
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        <![CDATA[<p><img alt="" src="http://www.reproductiverights.org/images/pradhal_malla.jpg" width="37" height="50" hspace="5" vspace="0" align="left" />The activist lawyer grabs more than NRs. 1 crore worth in cash and a gold medal for her role on women's issues. <br />
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<span style='font:20.0pt "Arial"'><b>J</b></span>uly 8, 2008, New York, NY – The Peter and Patricia Gruber Foundation today announces that it will award the 2008 Gruber Women’s Rights Prize to the Nepali lawyer and activist <a href="http://www.gruberprizes.org/GruberPrizes/WomensRights_LaureateBio.php?id=73&awardid=47">Sapana Pradhan Malla </a> and two other courageous activists who, at great risk to their own safety, have led successful efforts to advance women’s rights in their respective societies. </p>

<p>The Gruber Foundation Women’s Rights Prize will be awarded in a ceremony this fall celebrating the achievements of the recipients, who will share the $500,000 prize.  In addition to the cash award, the three will each receive a gold medal. </p>

<p>The other two receipient are Yanar Mohammed – a co-founder of Organization of Women’s Freedom in Iraq, and Dr. Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian – a leading Paletinian feminist scholar, therapist and activist. </p>

<p>“These women inspire us as they courageously fight for gender equality under the most difficult conditions of war and armed conflict – conditions that trigger deeply misogynistic ideologies and practices supported by nationalist and religious fundamentalism,“ says Pinar Ilkkaracan, co-recipient of the 2007 Gruber Foundation Women’s Rights Prize and member of the 2008 Women’s Rights Prize Selection Advisory Board. “Through their vision and dedication, these prize recipients have become the world’s conscience in the struggle for justice, peace, and equality between women and men.” </p>

<p>The Women’s Rights Prize of the Peter and Patricia Gruber Foundation is presented to an individual or group that has made significant contributions, often at great personal or professional risk, to furthering the rights of women and girls in any area and to advancing public awareness of the need for gender equality to achieve a just world. </p>

<p>The Peter and Patricia Gruber International Prize Program honors contemporary individuals in the fields of Cosmology, Genetics, Neuroscience, Justice and Women’s Rights, whose groundbreaking work provides new models that inspire and enable fundamental shifts in knowledge and culture. The Selection Advisory Boards choose individuals whose contributions in their respective fields advance our knowledge, potentially have a profound impact on our lives, and, in the case of the Justice and Women’s Rights Prizes, demonstrate courage and commitment in the face of significant obstacles. </p>

<p>The Peter and Patricia Gruber Foundation honors and encourages educational excellence, social justice and scientific achievements that better the human condition. </p>

<p><br />
<em>Laureate Profile</em>: <strong>Sapana Pradhan Malla </strong><br />
Sapana Pradhan Malla earned a Bachelor of Law degree from Tribhuvan University and a Masters of Law degree from Delhi University. A practicing lawyer before the Supreme Court of Nepal, she has been involved in almost all leading public litigation in that country, including cases involving legalization of abortion, criminalization of marital rape, and equality in marriage and family law. Due in large part to her efforts, more than 64 discriminatory laws of Nepal have been struck down. The Human Trafficking Act that she helped draft has become a legal model for the region. Pradhan Malla was instrumental in securing the most recent legal reforms protecting the fundamental reproductive and property rights of women in Nepal. She has also succeeded in getting the Court to agree to maintain confidentiality in cases related to violence against women and cases involving HIV and AIDS, and to enforce confidentiality in all stages of the justice system. In addition, she fought to ensure women’s right of participation in the army and in foreign employment. </p>

<p>Pradhan Malla has published extensively on the legal status of women in Nepal and has brought several landmark cases to Nepal’s Supreme Court. Her success is built on careful research, enabling her to find the evidence needed to present a compelling case. In spite of her success, she believes that progress will increase only when women are willing to assert their new rights. Despite marital rape becoming a punishable offense, for example, she believes that no woman would actually use the protection now afforded under law. Pradhan Malla stresses that Nepal, even as a secular nation, is still held back by a caste system. Dalit (lower-caste) women, for example, lag far behind the rest of the country in literacy and life expectancy. Their status also makes them vulnerable to being abducted and trafficked as sex workers, underscoring the cultural obstacles that Pradhan Malla confronts as she advocates for reform. </p>

<p>A member of Nepal’s Constituent Assembly, Pradhan Malla participates in state restructuring through constitutional reform. She is also a strong advocate of women’s participation in the political process and, as a result of her efforts and influence, women now make up one-third of the Assembly. Pradhan Malla is president of the Forum for Women, Law & Development and vice president of the Legal Aid Consultancy Center, and serves as National Coordinator for the South Asian Women’s Law Association. Her dream is to ensure a comprehensive women’s rights agenda within the constitutional framework. </p>

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<entry>
    <title>A Citizen&apos;s Roadmap for Nepal&apos;s Democracy</title>
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    <published>2008-07-08T09:10:51Z</published>
    <updated>2008-07-08T09:51:01Z</updated>
    
    <summary>KESHAV PRASAD BHATTARAI suggests a citizen&apos;s roadmap for Nepal&apos;s democracy....</summary>
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        <![CDATA[<p><strong>KESHAV PRASAD BHATTARAI</strong> suggests a citizen's roadmap for Nepal's democracy.</p>]]>
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<p><br />
<span style='font:20.0pt "Arial"'><b>F</b></span>or decades we as a nation have not been able to lead and represent peoples' strength, enthusiasm, courage and honor. This, we think, has limited our collective strength and ability to earn a life of dignity. </p>

<p>Promotion of human dignity by means of freedom, peace, democracy and respect to nature and right to development should be the ultimate aim of each and every human being. But we cannot achieve them by chance but by design and a competent and committed democratic leadership. Only better-motivated people supported and inspired by a true order of democratic governance up to the grassroots level help to realize this. </p>

<p>Many hope that the Constituent Assembly will   effectively address all the challenges Nepal is facing these days: particularly the need for a stable peace, democracy and development. </p>

<p>But after the Constituent Assembly Election, it increasingly appears that people in power are betraying the people and taking pride on shattering their dreams.   It looks like again Nepal's democracy will be forced   to commit suicide and people will suffer the worst.</p>

<p>Often the question before us is this-- what is wrong with us as Nepalis?  Each time we bring change, why do we fail to own it and shape it to suit our national interest? Why do our national goal and identity seem to us so blurred? Why we, the Nepalis, with such an industrious and heroic population, a nation with such an exemplary cultural and natural diversity, and geography with such abundance of natural wealth and unbroken long and proud history of its people have failed so many times? Why we, a nation between the greatest civilizations of all the ages, befriended by friendly international community, are living with this most unpleasant destiny? </p>

<p>Democracy, in its own, is symbolism of citizens' supremacy and their values. It represents a state system, which is an end in itself. Similarly   to that effect, it is a means as well, because it supports people to promote and protect their core human values of freedom, justice and dignity of life.</p>

<p>Democracy is not only the issue of state responsibility but also the political, social and moral responsibility of citizens themselves. Therefore every citizen should put an effort for social, political and moral responsibility towards democracy. If citizens ignore this, they would be deprived of its fruits. </p>

<p><b>Improving Democracy </b><br />
We are a democracy without democrats. This I think is the crux of our problem. It basically is a rule of law. It represents peoples' voices and choices in government and ensures state accountability to the people. If we follow this standard, democracy to us would not be an alien culture. It existed among us in the Vedic and Epic ages. Long ago, people of Mithila, Vaishali and Lichhavi era had developed an advanced democratic system. Historians have written that the great Prithivi Narayan Shah would send his officials to every household and collect peoples' opinions if he had to appoint some high level state official or to make a new decision. Even today, among different communities of people such as Newars, Sherpa, Tamang, Gurung, Tharu, Thakalis, we can see a democratic system in practice their family and community. </p>

<p>In every part of the world successful democracy is rooted in their own cultures and belief systems. If it is built and developed on their own soil or if it has become a part of their social fabric, it has achieved miracles for people. If democracy is copied from others, if we miss to grow it to suit our geography of thought and belief system and learn its true values and spirit, we are easily pushed to anarchy and chaos in the name of democracy. </p>

<p>No doubt, only democracy means to ensure everyone's participatory contribution, to provide everyone's access to the available resources in the country and to establish everyone's equal rights to benefit the country. Only with such arrangements everyone's rights, dignity and responsibility can fostered. Only these will provide powerful motivations to people to respect the law so that their appropriate structures can be developed. </p>

<p><strong>Human Happiness and Prosperity </strong><br />
There cannot be an alternative to democracy in providing security to the citizens from political, social and economic catastrophes. As Al Smith says, it is true that all the ills of democracy can be cured by more democracy (not less).</p>

<p>Similarly, only democracy can accelerate and sustain development. More importantly, only democracy that truly represents all classes and groups of the society is the best and the only treatment of all forms of social and political violence, terror and anarchy. Democracy itself is a diagnosis of all forms of wars. Neither violence nor terrors have set foundations in a fully democratic society, nor do we have any instance of warfare between two fully democratic countries. </p>

<p>Democracy is not only management of governance to secure the citizens' right, freedom and respect but it is also a symbol of the rulers' right, respect and dignity. In the process of governance, democracy keeps the regime away from cruel and authoritarian measures and ensures the state's moral power, valor and security.</p>

<p>Similarly, democracy develops not only a nation's economic prosperity but also cultural, moral and social assets for building human happiness.  <br />
 <br />
<strong>Citizens' Role </strong><br />
With reference to above, we can consider that democracy has mainly two pillars: First, citizens' effective control over the state's decisions and, second, certain level of equality among the citizens in such control and ownership. Some norms such as participation, authorization, representation, accountability, transparency, responsiveness and unity are accepted as indivisible for creation of the above pillars of democracy.  </p>

<p>Every state and society should create and develop democracy and every state, society and government should have roadmap for the strengthening of democracy. More or less, the constitution and the law provide this direction. The political parties also work with the state and government through their statutes and manifestoes under the nation's constitution and legal framework. </p>

<p>Every citizen should have a roadmap of democracy. Every social and professional organisation should have it. They can prepare a civic declaration independently or in collaboration with others. They can develop programs to strengthen democracy and to make it effective. </p>

<p>Without our strong and determined group efforts, the history of modern Nepal cannot be written. When in writing the nations’ history, the presence and participation of every citizen cannot be ignored.</p>

<p>Only better-motivated people supported and inspired by a true order of democratic governance at all levels of society can change the impossible into possible. Then only a national economy where all sections of society can have their justifiable share, better education to their children, state provision of social protection to the needy people, and most important of all, greater freedoms for humanity could help ensure certain level of development.</p>

<p>In a globalized society if people and nations do not build their ability through competent structures , best suited to protect their interests and make best use of their assets, their survival as nations and cultures can become vulnerable.</p>

<p>For long, we have been dreaming for a new world with all basic needs of all people fulfilled. Now only we have begun to learn that not just natural resources but strong knowledge base, political will, substantive freedom and rights of people with strong institutional policy and structural support matters much in creating prosperity for nations and people. Similarly, we have recently learned that geography is not a barrier to development, it is democracy and rule of law that accelerates development and builds prosperity despite the odds. Otherwise Michael Gorbachev may ring true for us that democracy may be truth some where, but falsehood for us everywhere.</p>

<p><strong>The Leadership Question</strong><br />
When combined together, appropriate goal-oriented institutions and their accountability help make democracy work for common people. It also helps to effectively against corruption and abuse of power which, if goes unchecked, makes a mockery of democracy and brings havoc in state and society. No doubt, the world's future belongs to democracy and rule of law at all levels of governance. Our ability in advancing ethical, legal and political values based on rule of law ultimately reflects into global peace and development.</p>

<p>Institutionalizing democracy, development and rule of law is the greatest challenge for humanity these days.</p>

<p>Our leadership must internalize these values. Unless a democracy (by means of rule of law) is competent enough to make public officials accountable and to distribute economic and political power more evenly, such a democracy cannot sustain and it will only bring about political instability. We are an example of this and are suffering much of it. </p>

<p>Strong knowledge bases, political will, substantive freedom and rights of people with strong institutional policy and structural support are needed in creating prosperity for nations and people. We also need to invest in education and heritage. These are equally important in accelerating development and building prosperity.</p>

<p>Thus if people themselves internalize the values that democracy  always strives for progress, reinforces and nurtures democratic cultures no power in world can go against democracy. </p>

<p><strong>The National Self </strong><br />
The customary character of Nepali politics couldn't represent the country's economy, power and capacity as well as the national scruples built up by devotion, toil, enthusiasm and courage. Nepali citizens, therefore, are deprived of the achievement that could be gained through appropriate social, economical, diplomatic effort, commitment and mobilisation of total power and capacity of Nepal.</p>

<p>The popular political system initiated in 1950 has not been able to give Nepal a clear destination yet. Citizens' poor consciousnesses, low level of confidence, injustice and revulsion against authoritarianism from all quarters have created political abuses and vulgarities for immoral and apolitical power craze. Consequently, even after the implementation of development plans for half of the century, almost half of the country's population has not been able to receive state protection, such as in the form of basic human welfare and security.</p>

<p> As a result, our democracy has become the hostage of such a situation, and we have lost the national will power in favour of national democracy, development and prosperity. Besides, not only the  state policies were lacking in the effort of country's economic, social and humanitarian development but even the concept of civil rights, justice, peoples' enthusiasm, their security of welfare were not incorporated into those efforts.  </p>

<p>Despite the CA Election and our preparation for new initiatives for a new Nepal, we have failed to make a strong bid to fight the present situation, infused with unbound but corrupt moral practices and hypocrisy that we developed in our personal, social and political norms and practice. There is very little to be satisfied with. </p>

<p><strong>Nation's Power and Legitimacy</strong><br />
Many nations have secured enormous prosperity, stability and dignity with the great strength and power gained from the peoples' freedom, democratization of state and society. They have secured opportunity of justice and equality for all.</p>

<p>Our leadership is not trying to understand this reality and is attempting to limit the state authority as tools and means for the limited few in power rather than empowering citizens and safeguarding their rights, dignity and security. The civic power hasn't been transformed into state power. As a result, our state system has become so weak and submissive in its goals.</p>

<p>The political character pursued by the state determines the basis of state power and capacity. It has become a notion of politics to transform every individual's power into immense state power. If we evaluate the main characters of politics and its origin, growth, destination, decision and all the working procedures, this cannot be otherwise but democratic. Undemocratic system of governance means that it is both anti-national and illegitimate. </p>

<p>Globalization is the greatest reality of our day. Our future will undoubtedly be more uncertain and painful if we are not able to tap the opportunities and ensure security it provides to people in all aspects of their national life. The only option available to us is to face the challenges posed by globalization and make the best choices on available options. </p>

<p><strong>People Power and Leadership</strong><br />
Democracy doesn't keep waiting for any incarnation to be tested and applied to the needs of a society. Every Nepali should therefore experiment with democracy by themselves. It can be realized (at least the birth of it) by creating fair politics, transparency and effectiveness in national life and by creating meaningful and effective role for every person, class and group in political practices. </p>

<p>Under the participatory political culture, a nation can achieve its goals and earn respect and prosperity for itself by establishing everyone's access to freedom, equality, justice and security and by encouraging every citizen to decide their own future. Politics, development and economy have no goal and shape without everyone's ownership.</p>

<p>Structural effort should be made for developing qualified and capable leadership among the Nepali citizens. For providing such leadership, we have to build courage among citizens to do the rightful things for better options and opportunities. By doing this, we can uncover tremendous energy, power and capacity inherent in Nepali citizens.  We need to create hope, confidence, motivation and determination among them. </p>

<p><strong>Learning from Others </strong><br />
Adequate national, social and economic power and capacity for achieving peace, development, prosperity, security and stability can be developed only by linking every Nepali with the success of this effort by developing continuous chain of successes, encouragement and the optimum level of commitment. By its extensive socialization a good democratic order can be established. For this, there's also the need of civic training to systematize their demands and expectations through the extensive debate and discussion in the civil society about the jurisdiction and power of the state and social organization. </p>

<p> Institutionalizing democracy and leading people in realizing their dreams means designing and re-designing democratic institutions in representing the shifting power balance among political actors. This institutionalizing cannot be attained in a political and economic vacuum but with strong and even divergent agendas of socio-political and economic visions of individuals and groups. Similarly, broadening democratic spaces for every group and people intertwining all social and cultural discourses can lead to a peaceful co-existence and cooperation between them.</p>

<p>No doubt, writing a constitution is not a difficult job. But representing all sections of society in reflecting their aspiration and building state capacity with minute technical details in fulfilling that aspiration is even more challenging. And here again the whole nation is to be united.</p>

<p>Most critical part of our job is that no institution can be perfect. According to Sunil Bastian and Robin Luckham, global political and economic contexts of any democratization and conflict management can not be undermined but externally driven conflict resolution and democratization have important dangers and limits tending to back-fire its initiators.  This means that we can learn from the experiences from others, combine them with our own experiences and build the necessary strategies. </p>

<p>Such initiators or leaders must also consider the famous quotation of Churchill that victory has thousands of fathers while failures are orphans.  To conclude with Sunil and Robin, good strategies to neutralize non-democratic politics are as essential as strategies to foster democratic politics with all the spaces open for institutional innovation through democratic politics and through responsiveness to civil and political society.</p>

<p></p>

<p><em>The author is president of Teachers' Union of Nepal (TUN)</em></p>

<p>####</p>

<p><br />
<strong> References:</strong><br />
<h5><br />
• Bastian Sunil and Luckham Robin (edited) Can Democracy Be Designed?, Zed Books,2003 <br />
• Beetham David, Bracking Sarah, Iain Kearton and Stuart Weir, International IDEA Handbook on Democracy Assessment. The Hague: Kluwer Law International, 2001.<br />
• Comfort Nicholas, The Politics Book, Research Press, 2006.<br />
• Dahl Robert, On Democracy, East West Press, New Delhi, 1998<br />
• Human Development Report, UNDP, 2002<br />
• Policy Declarations of Nepal Teachers’ Association's (NTA) Fifth National Congress (2005) </p>

</h5>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>Ban Ki-Moon Says &apos;Thank You&apos; to Nepal</title>
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    <published>2008-06-13T11:38:16Z</published>
    <updated>2008-06-17T11:47:48Z</updated>
    
    <summary>Thank you, says UN chief BAN KI-MOON to Nepal, for sending peacekeepers since 50 years....</summary>
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        <![CDATA[<p>Thank you, says UN chief <strong>BAN KI-MOON </strong>to Nepal, for sending peacekeepers since 50 years. </p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p><br><br />
<br><br />
<em><br />
Following is the text of UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s message on the fiftieth anniversary of Nepal’s continuous participation in United Nations peacekeeping operations, on 12 June:</em><br />
More than half of all the Member States of the United Nations contribute troops and police to peacekeeping operations.  We are grateful to every one of them.  But our special thanks go to the top contributors, among which Nepal ranks in the first five.  Over the past 50 years, Nepal has contributed 60,000 peacekeepers in some 40 peacekeeping missions.  Today, Nepal and four other nations of the South together contribute nearly half of the United Nations peacekeepers around the world.</p>

<p>Since the first operation six decades ago, United Nations peacekeeping has developed into a flagship enterprise of our Organization.  Today, we have around 110,000 men and women deployed in conflict zones.  They come from nearly 120 countries -- an all-time high, reflecting confidence in United Nations peacekeeping.  They bring different cultures and experiences to the job, but they are united in their determination to foster peace.  Some are in uniform, but many are civilians, and their activities go far beyond monitoring.</p>

<p>They train police, disarm ex-combatants, support elections and help build State institutions.  They build bridges, repair schools, assist flood victims and protect women from sexual violence.  They uphold human rights and promote gender equality.  Thanks to their efforts, life-saving humanitarian assistance can be delivered and economic development can begin.</p>

<p>In the past year, I have visited peacekeepers in Africa, Asia, the Middle East and the Caribbean.  In States emerging from conflict, I have seen refugees returning home, children heading back to school, citizens once again secure under the rule of law.  I have seen whole societies moving, with the help of the peacekeepers, from devastation to rejuvenation.  In Haiti, in Liberia, in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the blue helmets have provided breathing space for a fragile peace to take hold.</p>

<p>The occasions we mark this year are a time to celebrate, but also to mourn our fallen colleagues.  Over these six decades, more than 2,400 men and women have died serving the cause of peace -- including more than 60 from Nepal.  Each one is a hero.  Today, we recommit ourselves to ensuring that their sacrifices are never forgotten, and the vital work of the Blue Helmets continues as long as they are needed.</p>

<p>On this anniversary, I am honoured to send my congratulations and thanks to the Government and people of Nepal, and above all, to every Nepalese peacekeeper, past and present.  May your shining example lead the way for Nepal’s continued leadership and participation in peacekeeping around the world.</p>

<p><em><a href="http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2008/sgsm11638.doc.htm">Here's</a> the link to the statement.</em></p>

<p>####<br />
</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>The Last Shah King&apos;s Press Address</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.nepalmonitor.com/2008/06/the_last_shah_kings_press_address.html" />
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    <published>2008-06-12T04:03:01Z</published>
    <updated>2008-06-12T04:59:45Z</updated>
    
    <summary>In his farewell speech, the deposed king, GYANENDRA SHAHA, accepts his fate and refutes some charges labelled against him...</summary>
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        <![CDATA[<p>In his farewell speech, the deposed king, <strong>GYANENDRA SHAHA</strong>, accepts his fate and refutes some charges labelled against him </p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p><br><br />
<br><br />
<em>The following is the full text of his press address at the Narayanhiti Palace on June 11, 2008</em><br />
<br></p>

<p></p>

<p><img alt="" src="http://www.nepalmonitor.com/images/3astshahaddress.jpg" width="491" height="123" /></p>

<p><br<br />
<br<br />
<span style='font:20.0pt "Arial"'><b>D</b></span>ear Nepalese brothers and sisters,<br />
This country which came into being 240 years back as a garden of four castes and thirty-six sub castes as imagined and established by our ancestor His Majesty, the Great King Prithvi Narayan Shah, is going through a period of very serious and sensitive upheaval. It is well known that the Nepalese Monarchy which has always been activised for people?s prosperity and progress has always been working together and cooperating with the happiness and woes of Nepali people. Burning examples of that are unification, preservation of nationalism, democratisation and modernisation through the united effort of the king and national integrity as equivalent to the value of our lives. Our committed energised feelings towards these values and standards have remained constant from the past and are equally strong in the present and will remain so in the future.</p>

<p>I would like to inform everybody concerned that when seven years back because of an unnatural, unexpected and tragic incident while shouldering the responsibility of the Head of the State according to the national heritage and ages of old monarchical traditions, I had no other interests except considerations for the sovereignty, independence, national pride, territorial integrity, peace and the institutional development of democracy, and overall progress of all the citizens. In the then Hindu kingdom of Nepal, the birth place of Buddha the efforts started, with the best of intention trying to ensure the peace and prosperity in the country were not successful overtime, which I have already accepted earlier. The chain of events and ensuing results are obvious to everybody like an open book.</p>

<p>I would like to express, with God as my witness, certain things which I couldn't express earlier because of my official responsibilities but which was troubling my inner heart all the time, through you dear journalist friends to my Nepalese brothers and sisters and the international community. May be we should call it destiny that when I was innocent child, I had neither any wish nor desire nor any possibility of having a distinct role except the compulsion to have to quietly accept the crown. Likewise, for the second time when an unimaginable and horrifying event took place on the night of Jestha 19th, 2058, I could not express through word my internal pain when I was compelled and tied up by the chains of tradition and duty without being even able to shed tears over the mortal remains of those respected and beloved family members and lighten the burden of pain at the gruesome destruction of my close relatives. Even at that time some people blamed and accused me and my family with great indiscretion and cruelty but we had no alternative but to tolerate that too, nor were there people who spoke on our behalf. Being prejudiced against me and my family members the efforts which were continuously started through different means by taking advantage of those circumstances and events, have been very painful to us and are still so. Other members of the Royal Family who were wounded but survived the incident in the Royal Palace are still alive. They are also witness to it. The bullet fragments which couldn?t be taken out for technical reasons are still in the body of my wife who was also wounded and survived. The detailed facts had also come out from the medical doctors involved in their treatment. The high level Royal Investigation Commission had already made public the detailed report about the incident. When all the Nepalese people and the Royal Family were overwhelmed with grief, at that time, to level accusations and blame in this way seems to be a strategy to damage the goodwill of the Nepalese people towards the institution of Monarchy and to spread ill will, which was also not compatible with human suffering.</p>

<p>Likewise, I have also heard false rumours about allegations that I have property abroad. All my property is in Nepal. I have no movable or immovable property in foreign lands. The property which had been bequeathed to me from my ancestors, according to Nepalese laws is also not in my name and I have institutionalised it maintaining that property and have only conserved it. During the last seven years neither have I added any property nor have I taken any action by which the traditional property has been reduced. I have not also usurped the right to property of any member of the Royal Family. I believe that I would also have rights to maintain private property according to the prevalent laws of Nepal.</p>

<p>Respecting Constitutional Assembly elections and the decision taken by the constituent assembly meeting on Jestha 15th, I am cooperating in every way towards the successful implementation of that decision.</p>

<p>I have also not thought of leaving the country. I would like to live in my own Motherland and contribute in whatever way possible to greater good of the country and peace in this land. I believe that there will be support for this from all sectors.</p>

<p>I pledge to be completely dedicated to the independence and territorial integrity of the nation of Nepal which was formed and has remained independent and sovereign because of the blood, sweat and sacrifice of the great ancestors of us Nepalese, wherever and whatever circumstances I may be in. I love the independence of this nation. My feelings and sentiments are that of sanctity, indivisibility and original values of this independent nation should always be preserved. My heartfelt good wishes are for the overall welfare of the self-respecting common Nepalese people.</p>

<p>Today, on this date, I have handed over the Crown and Sceptre used by the Kings of Shah dynasty and which has remained as heirloom in this dynasty to the Government of Nepal for safekeeping and protection for ages to come.</p>

<p>Finally, on behalf of my family members and myself, I would like to express my sorrow, if anybody has been inadvertently hurt by actions of my own or of the members of my family while I was working as head of State for the welfare of Nepal and the Nepalese. I would like to express gratitude to all citizens, constitutional organs, judicial sector, security organisations, civil servants, teachers, professors, students, farmers, labourers, industrialists, businessmen, intellectual youths, religious organisations, journalists, civil society, personnel working in the Royal Palace service and all others from different walks of life and all the other associated Nepalese inside and outside Nepal who extended their cooperation to me. I would also like to thank the friendly neighbouring countries who have always wished well for Nepal, the international community and representative of diplomatic corps. I would also like to thank the members of the Committees for Security and management recently deputed by the government of Nepal. I would like to thank the government of Nepal for all the help and cooperation extended to me. I also hope that like now, I would keep on getting the same level of necessary cooperation from the Government of Nepal in the future too.</p>

<p>May Lord Pashupatinath bless us all.<br />
Jaya Nepal</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>World Newspapers on Nepali Republic</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.nepalmonitor.com/2008/06/world_newspapers_say_bumpy_road_adhead_for_nepali_republic.html" />
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    <published>2008-06-04T06:15:04Z</published>
    <updated>2008-06-09T06:31:17Z</updated>
    
    <summary>World newspapers&apos; editorials forsee a bumpy road adhead for the Himalayan republic....</summary>
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        <![CDATA[<p>World newspapers' editorials forsee a bumpy road adhead for the Himalayan republic. </p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p><br><span style='font:20.0pt "Arial"'><b>W</b></span>orld newspapers foresee a bumpy road ahead for the republic of Nepal. The following are some samples from some of the world's leading newspapers: </p>

<p><br />
<b> Birth of a Republic</b><br />
<i> the Japan Times,</i> May 31, 2008<br />
Nepal has become a republic. A special assembly of legislators voted overwhelmingly this week to abolish the country's 239-year old monarchy. The Maoist-dominated Parliament now begins the difficult task of governing one of the world's poorest countries. All the country's political parties and its people will need our help.</p>

<p>The monarchy suffered a powerful blow in 2001 when then Crown Prince Dipendra killed his father, the popular King Birendra, and eight other members of the royal family in a mysterious massacre, and then killed himself. <br />
King Gyanendra took the throne, but he proved to be an unpopular leader. His future was all but sealed when he dismissed the government and took absolute power in 2005, a move that triggered nationwide protests and ultimately forced him to give power to an elected government.</p>

<p>The return of civilian rule opened the door to negotiations with Maoist insurgents who had fought a decade-long civil war with the government in Katmandu.</p>

<p>The guerrillas traded bullets for ballots in a November 2006 peace accord and entered politics. They won an overwhelming mandate in parliamentary elections held last month, taking 220 seats in the 601-seat Parliament. The Nepalese Congress, Nepal's oldest political party, won 110 seats, while two other parties claimed 155.</p>

<p>Members of the Constituent Assembly - the group elected last month - voted 560-4 Wednesday night to abolish the monarchy. The king has been given two weeks to move out of the palace - which will be turned into a historical museum - or be forced out.</p>

<p>Now the legislators must draft a new constitution. Power is expected to reside in the prime minister's office, and the Maoist leader is the front-runner to claim that post in the new government.</p>

<p>The new government will face considerable challenges. The first concerns the fate of the 23,000 former guerrillas. </p>

<p>As part of the peace agreement, they voluntarily put down their weapons and entered United Nations-run camps.<br />
The Maoists want the former guerrillas integrated into the Nepalese Army, but they face resistance from the army itself and other political parties.</p>

<p>Finding a workable and enduring solution depends on tackling the second and equally pressing task of promoting economic development.</p>

<p>Nepal is one of the world's poorest countries. Income per capita is about $1,100, and one-third of its citizens live below the poverty line. The national economy has depended on tourism, a sector badly damaged by the country's civil war.</p>

<p>The new government will also have to conduct a delicate geopolitical balancing act. Nepal is sandwiched between India and China, and both Delhi and Beijing compete for influence. A government skilled in such matters could exploit that competition for aid and assistance.</p>

<p>Nepal's political parties have a sad history of corruption and ineptitude. King Gyanendra dissolved Parliament as a result of his frustrations with the old political order.</p>

<p>National unity is a precious commodity in Nepal, and it has never been more needed. Failure of the country's politicians to find a common purpose will condemn Nepal to continuing poverty and strife.</p>

<p>If there is no peace dividend or if those rewards are not shared equally among all the people of Nepal, civil war is likely to resume. Without help and a conscientious leadership, the new republic of Nepal may find its life bitter, brutish and short. </p>

<p>URL: http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/ed20080531a1.html</p>

<p>####</p>

<p></p>

<p><b> The Republic of Nepal </b><br />
<i>The Hindu,</i> May 30, 2008 <br />
The <i>coup de grace</i> was delivered by the Constituent Assembly in minutes but the end of Nepal’s monarchy was long years in the making. Decrepit, authoritarian and ineffective, the realm of Gyanendra, the last monarch of Nepal, was a far cry from the kingdom established by Prithvi Narayan Shah in 1768. Nepal at the time was a frontrunner in the nation-building process in South Asia. The country was unified but eventually lost its way in the intrigue and corruption that seems the lot of all monarchies. The 1846 Kot Parwa — a massacre that anticipated the royal parricide enacted by Dipendra more than a century and a half later — led to the rise of the tyrannical Ranas. </p>

<p>The Shahs wrested power back in 1951 but now had to contend with a new claimant to power: the people. This was something King Tribhuvan and his successors, Mahendra and Birendra, could never fully reconcile themselves to. By the time Gyanendra inherited the throne in 2001, the country was at war with itself. Had he been wise, he would have realised that the Maoist insurgency was the product of Nepal’s feudal economy and social structure and that only an inclusive, democratic revolution could save the country from bloodshed. Wisdom, alas, was not his strong point. The monarchy’s fate was already settled but his February 2005 putsch hastened its demise by opening a path for the Maoists to join hands with the NC and the UML. </p>

<p>By getting rid of its monarchy in a transparent, democratic and dignified manner, Nepal has shown that revolutions, no matter how historic or momentous, need not always be bloody. But the people of Nepal voted for much more than an end to the monarchy and this is where the real challenge for the Maoists and their allies lies. The popular mandate is for a coalition government that can oversee the writing of a constitution that enshrines the desires and aspirations of the country’s peoples for an inclusive republic in which the economic, political, and social rights of all are guaranteed. While the parties are entitled to bargain hard over the conditions under which they agree to join the new Maoist-led government, this fundamental truth must not be lost sight of. Secondly, the end of the monarchy does not by itself bring the country’s peace process to an end. The integration of the Maoist People’s Liberation Army with the Nepal Army and the creation of a democratic and accountable military culture are equally important tasks that need to be fulfilled. The parties did well to sink their differences in order to consummate the establishment of the republic. Civilised cohabitation now is what Nepal needs.</p>

<p>URL: http://www.hindu.com/2008/05/30/stories/2008053055301000.htm</p>

<p>####</p>

<p></p>

<p><b>New Republic </b><br />
<i>The Times of India, </i> May 30, 2008<br />
It's official. Late on Wednesday evening, Nepal became the world's newest republic when the country's constituent assembly overwhelmingly voted to abolish the monarchy. </p>

<p>The assembly passed a resolution proclaiming Nepal as "a secular, federal, democratic, republic nation". Only four of the 601-member assembly voted against the resolution. </p>

<p>The vote was the culmination of a political process to formalise the dissolution of the 240-year-old monarchy. Though there were fears that there might be violence in the run-up to the vote, it was largely peaceful. </p>

<p>Suspected royalists set off some bombs in Kathmandu, but there were no casualties. The Maoists — who won more than a third of the constituent assembly's seats in elections held in April — and their leader Prachanda deserve credit for this peaceful transition. </p>

<p>Ever since the Maoists declared a truce in 2005, their principal demand was an end to the monarchy. The trappings of the monarchy — from removing the king as head of the Nepalese army to erasing royal emblems from all spheres of life — were gradually done away with over the past year. </p>

<p>Last year, the Nepalese parliament voted to declare Nepal a federal democratic republic. The formal declaration of Nepal as a republic concluded this process. </p>

<p>Though Nepal's former king Gyanendra will have to move out of the royal palace in Kathmandu, the Maoist leadership has sensibly agreed to offer him reasonable time to make alternative arrangements. </p>

<p>The Maoists have also made it clear that the king can stay in Nepal as an ordinary citizen. They could take a leaf out of the South African experience of reconciliation under the guidance of Nelson Mandela. </p>

<p>This would go a long way in healing the scars of the violence that wracked Nepal for nearly a decade till 2005 and help in making the new republic more stable. </p>

<p>The Maoists have shown that they are willing to embrace the norms of democratic, party politics. They have agreed on a power-sharing formula with the two other major players, the Nepali Congress and the communists. </p>

<p>Under this agreement, Prachanda will be the prime minister, Nepali Congress leader G P Koirala the president and the communists, in all likelihood, will get the constituent assembly speaker's post. </p>

<p>This augurs well for the assembly which will over the next two years draft a new constitution. It would have to deal with several thorny issues, including the fate of some 20,000 former Maoist fighters and the demands of newly assertive ethnic groups from southern Nepal. </p>

<p>If the Maoists display the same kind of flexibility that they have been showing, Nepal's transition to a republic might be less bumpy than most observers feared.</p>

<p>URL: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Opinion/Editorial/TODAYS_EDITORIAL_New_Republic/articleshow/3084021.cms</p>

<p>####</p>

<p><br />
<b> Nepal in transition </b><br />
<i> Irish Times, </i> May 29, 2008 <br />
NEPAL'S DEMOCRATIC revolution has culminated in the abolition of the 239-year-old Hindu monarchy and the proclamation of a republic by the new constituent assembly. Elections last month gave the country's Maoists most seats in the assembly, allowing them to form the new government. Yesterday's symbolic meeting was delayed by security uncertainties, but there is no reversing the historic transition from feudal monarchy to modern democracy on the roof of the world. </p>

<p>The ancient Himalayan society of 28 million people has had a very chequered experience of parliamentary rule since gaining independence from Britain. After years of wrangling between king and parliament the partial democratic experiment was dissolved in 1959. A "party-less" absolute monarchy ruled until 1989, when a popular movement forced the now outgoing King Gyanendra's predecessor, King Birendra, to accept constitutional reforms. This system was rudely interrupted by a growing Maoist rebellion that started in 1996 and claimed 14,000 victims. Gyanendra's complete failure to suppress it after seizing absolute power in 2005 spelled the end of his dynasty following an agreement between the Maoists and other parties to demand democratic change. The Maoists withdrew from an all-party coalition to demand immediate abolition of the monarchy and have now won that political argument.</p>

<p>How they will use their power is a huge question facing the new republic. Recruited disproportionately from lower castes, minority groups and disadvantaged women, they are a fiercely egalitarian and republican rather than a socialist movement. Their leadership demands a comprehensive modernisation of Nepalese life within a multi-party framework and a regulated market society. Whether such an essentially social democratic vision will be sustained depends greatly on how effectively the party's 30,000 troops and activists can be absorbed into the army, civil service and other new institutions and how its leaders adapt to government.</p>

<p>Nepal is also a very poor society, but a strategically placed one, whose political direction will be influential among its neighbours. The Maoist movement there has several parallels with the Naxalite movements in northern India, which will be inspired by their victory. Nepal will also demand renegotiation of "unequal treaties" agreed with India after independence. These dramatic events are a welcome reminder of the power of political change.</p>

<p>URL: http://www.ireland.com/newspaper/opinion/2008/0529/1211830557414.html</p>

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<p><br />
<b> True democracy the best hope for Nepal </b><br />
<i> South China Morning Post, </i>  May 29, 2008 <br />
 God kings are secure in their temples so long as the people continue to love them. If not, their right to rule is no longer secure. King Gyanendra of Nepal, the world's last Hindu royal ruler, long ago lost the reverent affection of his people. Yesterday, the country's new assembly met to abolish the monarchy, to put an end to the dynasty that has ruled the country for 240 years. This is the first step in the transition to a secular republic. Matters did not have to end that way. But it became inevitable once the king seized absolute power. That played into the hands of Maoist insurgents who eventually emerged strongest from elections for the assembly. </p>

<p>The future of another Himalayan monarchy, meanwhile, looks secure. In Bhutan, thankfully, the people were given democracy without having to fight for it. The fourth king of a Buddhist dynasty that has exercised absolute power over the tiny, secluded kingdom for 100 years launched political reforms last year and then stepped down in favour of his son. Two months ago, elections marked the transition to democracy with a constitutional monarchy.<br />
 Similar reforms in 1990 offered the promise of a better life for Nepal's impoverished people. But this was eroded after the insurgency began in 1996. The shooting dead in 2001 of most of the royal family by the crown prince, who then allegedly killed himself, brought the late King Birendra's younger brother, Gyanendra, to the throne. The  nation cried out for healing and reconciliation, such as a peace process that included the Maoists. Instead it got a grab for absolute power which Gyanendra claimed he needed to combat the insurgency. He ignored good advice, such as the suggestion he should show he cared about his people by turning over some of his palaces for use as hospitals or schools - fatal errors of judgment.</p>

<p>For the sake of the people, their newly elected representatives must exercise sound judgment when choosing a constitutional model for the new republic. True democracy offers the best hope of developing the country's economic potential and improving living standards. But it must be safeguarded by effective checks and balances against the emergence of another dictatorship.</p>

<p>URL: http://www.scmp.com/</p>

<p>####</p>

<p><br />
<b> Nepal and India </b><br />
<i> the Hindu, </i> May 1, 2008<br />
Whatever the long-term challenges and opportunities presented by Nepal’s Constituent Assembly elections, the first problem Indian policymakers must face is the unwillingness of key Nepali stakeholders to accept the reality of the Maoist victory. Sections of the Nepali Congress leadership, including Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, are seeking to hold on to power. Such manoeuvres are the antithesis of the consensual spirit needed to write the country’s new Constitution. The NC leadership is clearly being egged on by the United States, which is committed to preventing the Maoists from coming to power. The top brass of the Nepal Army and the soon-to-be-defunct Royal Palace share this undemocratic aim. India, which has invested political capital in the democratisation process in Nepal, must realise that any subversion of the people’s mandate will have damaging consequences for both Kathmandu and New Delhi. The real message from Nepal’s voters was that all the major parties must work together to ensure socio-political stability and create favourable conditions for people-oriented development. There can be no denying the Maoists’ democratic right, as the largest party, to lead a coalition government that includes the Nepali Congress and the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist). India needs to align its policy to encourage and facilitate such an outcome. </p>

<p>New Delhi must also prepare itself for a formal request from the first government in republican Nepal that the 1950 Treaty of Peace and Friendship be replaced by a more contemporary and even-handed agreement. The truth is that the treaty — some of the features of which were a legacy of British colonialism — was concluded between two unequal partners in a world that no longer exists. Among the provisions that offend national sensibilities are those giving New Delhi a say in Kathmandu’s purchase of military equipment from a third country and granting India ‘first preference’ for industrial and natural resource projects in Nepal. Such provisions are clearly inconsistent with the small Himalayan nation’s sovereignty and have, in any case, proved unimplementable. With respect to the advantages Nepal enjoys under the 1950 treaty, New Delhi will be wise to follow the ‘Gujral doctrine’ — which states as its first tenet that “with its neighbours like Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives, Nepal and Sri Lanka, India does not ask for reciprocity, but gives and accommodates what it can in good faith and trust.” In a recent interview to The Hindu, Maoist chairman Prachanda observed that it was more or less impossible for Nepal to have stability and prosperity without increasing the level of its cooperation with India. New Delhi must seize the moment.</p>

<p>URL: http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/thscrip/print.pl?file=2008050155341000.htm&date=2008/05/01/&prd=th&</p>

<p><br />
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<p><br />
<b> Nepal can ill afford violence at the polls </b><br />
<i> South China Morning Post, </i> April 10, 2008<br />
Nepal's hopes of being lifted from the dismal circumstances it has been mired in for more than a decade hinge on today's elections. Centred on a peace deal with Maoist rebels two years ago, the vote aims to turn the nation into a republic by electing an assembly to draw up a new constitution that will ditch the monarchy. </p>

<p>The process seems straightforward, but there is nothing simple about it. Violence that scarred the nation throughout the rebel insurgency has re-emerged in the lead-up to the polls and if it continues today, will undermine their credibility. Political leaders and the government have to do their utmost to stem the unrest.</p>

<p>Elections are an important facet of democracy, but they have to be held in free and fair circumstances. This has certainly not been the case so far during campaigning. The violence  constituted candidate intimidation and an attempt to scare off voters.</p>

<p>Nepal has great potential for development. Boasting many of the world's tallest mountains, tourism plays an important part. Rich agricultural land in the south offers a strong base from which to grow. Low wages are an incentive for foreign investors.</p>

<p>But a series of events starting with the Maoist insurgency in 1996 eroded the promises the introduction of <br />
democracy six years earlier created. The shooting dead in 2001 of most of the royal family by the crown prince, who then killed himself, scarred the national psyche. The new king, Gyanendra, took back direct rule shortly after and until the peace deal was signed, reigned with an iron fist. Nepal, as a result, is among the world's poorest countries.</p>

<p>Despite the elections offering so much opportunity, sectors of society do not want them to go ahead. Royalists and splinter Maoist factions have no need for democracy. Minority political parties claiming to have been left out of the process want a boycott. Armed groups fighting for autonomy in the southern plains want strikes.</p>

<p>Authorities and political groups must try to ensure that the election is more peaceful than the campaigning. The parties that win  must work closely and harmoniously to build Nepal afresh. Every effort has to be made to include marginalised communities so that all grievances can be tackled. The Constituent Assembly is as much about nation building as state building. Nepali identity has to be redefined. This can happen only if the first step - well-run elections free of violence - is attained.</p>

<p>URL: http://www.scmp.com/</p>

<p>####</p>

<p><br />
<b> Asian Voices: It's Now People's Turn </b><br />
<i> the Statesman (India), </i> April 10, 2008<br />
As you read this editorial, the time for electoral canvassing will have formally ended. The next 48 hours are setaside exclusively for the people to finally make up their minds. Though silent canvassing won't end until the very last minute, the 48-hour lull prior to polling is very crucial because this is when people who were not sure about theirchoices can finally decide. As there are more than 50 per cent new voters this time round, any last minute wave islikely to take an unexpected turn. The new voters are still weighing their options. The behavioUr of the politicalparties, the security situation and the undercurrents in the campaigning will have a significant impact on the outcome. The Kathmandu Post believes these youngsters, who are voting for the very first time, will be coming to the pollingbooths without any politically baggage, and to make sure that peace and stability is restored in the country. </p>

<p>The people of Nepal will definitely utilise the poll opportunity to take their revenge against politicians andpolitical parties that have failed them in the past, and they will be awarding a once-in-a-lifetime chance to thehonest, competent, democratic and pacifist among poll contestants. Obviously, the political parties are up to all their old tricks to hoodwink the voters. They are out to pressure, intimidate, lure, threaten and warn the voters. But Nepali voters are no cowards. These are people who have staked their lives time and again to root out dictatorship. They willnot forego the vote just because they fear they would be beaten. Similarly, most voters will not fall for warnings that the way they vote would be monitored through binoculars or secretly embedded cameras. Those resorting to such cheapploys will be punished mercilessly by the people. We wish our political parties had played a somewhat more maturerole.</p>

<p>The older parties that won the people's confidence in the past are obviously upbeat. But newer parties like the Maoists and the Madhesi are not far behind. People might well consider trying out a new party if they feel confidentenough about it. If the parties and politicians in the fray behave, respect the voters and allow them to vote theirminds, the results might come as a surprise to many. However, if they take the popular aspirations for peace forgranted, they will be duly punished. It has been over eight years since Nepal last gave a poll verdict. On the eve offresh elections at last, we urge Nepalis to vote without fear and prejudice. It is now the people's turn. It iseach and every individual's turn. We have to properly exercise our right to choose our candidates. The Kathmandu Post requests all its readers to go for the vote and also to persuade friends and relatives to do likewise. If we wantto change our country, we should all cast that vote.</p>

<p>URL: http://www.thestatesman.net/</p>

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<p><br />
[Note: <em>The above editorials are lifted from the websites of respective newspapapers. If you own copyright to the above texts and would not like us to excerpt them, please email us at nepalmonitor@gmail.com and we will immediately remove them from our website-- Editors</em>] <br />
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<entry>
    <title>A Time of Considerable Uncertainty for Nepal</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://www.nepalmonitor.com/2008/05/a_time_of_considerab.html" />
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    <published>2008-05-31T05:14:35Z</published>
    <updated>2008-05-31T05:42:00Z</updated>
    
    <summary>EVAN FEIGENBAUM, a top US diplomat, explains how it&apos;s so. He says the Maoists will remain on US terror list for now....</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Nepal Monitor</name>
        
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        <![CDATA[<p><strong>EVAN FEIGENBAUM</strong>, a top US diplomat, explains how it's so. He says the Maoists will remain on US terror list for now. </p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p><br><br />
<br><br />
Evan Feigenbaum, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs, was in Nepal during the last week of May, 2008. Upon his return to US, on May 29, 2008, he briefed the media on his Nepal trip. </p>

<p>The following is the full text of his briefing, followed by Q&A with media persons: </p>

<p><br />
<br><span style='font:20.0pt "Arial"'><b>O</b></span>kay, good. Well, I’m Evan Feigenbaum. I’m the SCA Bureau Deputy Assistant Secretary who handles Nepal, among other countries. I’m one of Richard Boucher’s Deputies, just back from three days in Kathmandu. It’s obviously a very historic leap for Nepal. A lot of things are happening, not least declaration of a republic very, very, very late last night or early this morning, depending on how you count it, end of a monarchy that’s lasted over 240 years, formation of a Constituent Assembly which has been a demand of a lot of Nepalese for a very long time.</p>

<p>So it’s a very historic week for Nepal, but it’s also a time of considerable uncertainty for Nepal. So I went out at this point because we thought it was a good time, given both the historic nature of the week, but also the uncertainty to try and supplement the already terrific efforts of our great Ambassador Nancy Powell out there to talk a little bit to the leaders of the various parties in Nepal about the formation of an interim government, the problem of violence, in particular, political violence in this society, and also next steps on the drafting of a constitution, which is really the main task that’s going to face this Constituent Assembly.</p>

<p>I met with a whole bunch of people starting with Prime Minister Girija Koirala, but also the leaders of the four main parties in Nepal: Pushpa Dahal, who is the leader of the Communist Party of Nepal Maoists, which came out as the leading party in the Constituent Assembly election with the most seats, also leaders of the other leading three parties of the Nepali Congress. I met with Mr. Deuba, who’s a former prime minister and a leader of the Congress Party, Mr. Khanal, who is the new leader of the Communist Party of Nepal United Marxist Lennonist. So there are a few communist parties in Nepal, a different one, and then something called the Madhesi People’s Forum, which represents the interests of people in the Terai in southern Nepal, Mr. Yadav. And I also met with the Chief of the Army, General Katuwal.</p>

<p>You know, the U.S. has a lot of history in Nepal. We have over 60 years of diplomatic relations now. We have assistance programs to the people in Nepal in a lot of different areas: education, health, security, economic development, and there’s a long history between these two countries. There are thousands and thousands of Americans who have spent a lot of time there, whether as students or scholars or backpackers over the years. There are a lot of Nepalese who have spent time in the United States. I’m one of those people. Twenty-one years ago, I spent a little bit of time in Nepal, hadn’t been back in a long time.</p>

<p>So there’s a reservoir of goodwill between people of both sides. And so we take an interest in what happens there, and in particular, we take an interest in a stable, democratic and prospering Nepal. And so on that basis, we really wanted to have a chat with the leaders of the country this week about three things. As I said, one is, in particular, the political process. People voted for a Constituent Assembly on April 10, but in a sense, they weren’t just voting for a Constituent Assembly. They weren’t just voting for people to make a budget or write an arcane set of provisions in a constitution. They were expressing their political will, in a sense.</p>

<p>And so we had a chance to talk to the leaders of the parties about what the next steps were going to be among the parties, not just on the Constituent Assembly, but in the effort to form a government in this country. And for our part, we think it’s important that whatever government emerges, it’s going to be up to Nepalese, but in some sense, it needs to reflect the will of the Nepalese people as expressed on April 10.</p>

<p>Talked a lot about violence in the country; we’re very deeply concerned about the level of violence in the country. It’s a general message for all of the parties, but it has particular resonance for the Maoists, obviously, because they’re designated on two of these lists, but also because we have some concerns about the Young Communist League, which is a youth arm of the Communist Party of Nepal Maoist. And I must say, you may have seen that Dahal did a press stakeout after his meeting with me and Ambassador Powell, and he was quite open about that. He talked about the fact that we talked a lot about the Young Communist League. So we do have concerns about the level of violence in the society and we had a chance to talk about those things too. And then last, we talked a little bit about the role of the international community with all of the party leaders and with the prime minister, too. And that includes the role of the United States, but also of UN agencies and others in the country.</p>

<p>So, in any case, it was a – it was a good trip. It was a good opportunity to just touch base with everybody. There are a lot of challenges for this country. The events of yesterday were historic. But I think you may have noticed they have adjourned for a period now to try to continue discussions among the parties and try to work out some of the outstanding questions, not least forming a government. But I think the real challenges in Nepal are challenges of governance. This is a country that faces a lot of challenges.</p>

<p>In the near-term, it’s most immediately the high price of fuel. All over Kathmandu, there were long, long gasoline lines. And so the next government is going to have to deal with that question no matter who leads the government and no matter who’s in the government. Likewise, Nepal, like a lot of other countries, is facing issues of food prices and then there are the longer-term challenges in this society of economic development, poverty, which is really quite endemic in some parts of the country, and other issues too. So the United States has provided a lot of assistance on those things over the years and we look forward to continuing to work with the Nepalese political elite, but also with the Nepalese people on all of those things.</p>

<p>It was a good trip, three days, just got back. And we thought it was a good time just to touch base, see if anybody was interested. I had no idea there was this much interest in Nepal, but anyway, happy to talk about anything you’d like to talk about.</p>

<p>Please.</p>

<p>QUESTION: What about the question – sort of the perpetual question of the terrorist designation for the Maoist party? And how are you going to deal with that? I mean, is this something that the Administration is reviewing now?</p>

<p>DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY FEIGENBAUM: I guess I’d make one point about background and one point about policy. On background, and I just say this informationally, there are several categories of these lists, and we can get you more background on this from lawyers, and I’m not a lawyer, so people who know more about this. But there is, of course, the Foreign Terrorist Organization, or FTO list, which is – has broad legal implications and is a legal category. The Maoists are not designated as an FTO. And I’ve noticed that in a lot of the press coverage, people have a tendency to conflate these different lists. So just by way of background, you should know that the Maoists are not designated as an FTO.</p>

<p>There are two other categories. One is called the Terrorist Exclusion List, which flows from the Patriot Act, and really is – it’s a visa category. It has to do with – with – with entry and exit into the United States. And then there’s something called the Specially Designated List, which flows from an Executive Order. So the Maoists are designated, just by way of background, on two of those, but not on the FTO list.</p>

<p>In terms of next steps, you know, I really wouldn’t want to speculate. It’s going to depend. They’re on the list. They remain on the list for the moment.</p>

<p>QUESTION: Is this on background or are we back on the record?</p>

<p>DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY FEIGENBAUM: This is – this can be on the record.</p>

<p>QUESTION: Okay.</p>

<p>DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY FEIGENBAUM: I wouldn’t want to speculate on the record. What I would just say is that our basic message to every party in Nepal is that the degree to which we can work with parties in Nepal will depend very directly on the degree to which they continue to embrace the political process and abandon violence. And so – and I wouldn’t want to speculate on next steps. We’ll just – that’s our – that’s our message and we’re going to follow events very closely and we’ll follow the actions of the various parties, including the Maoists, very closely. And then we’ll see where we are going forward.</p>

<p>Please.</p>

<p>QUESTION: Could you explain what being on the two lists that you mentioned does for the Maoists -- I mean, how – does it con