Between 1996 and 2006, an internal conflict between the Government of Nepal and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) (CPN (Maoist)) left at least 13,000 people dead and 1,300 missing. By signing the Comprehensive Peace Accord on 21 November 2006, the Government of Nepal and the CPN (Maoist) committed to establishing the truth about the conduct of the war and to ensuring the victims of the conflict receive both justice and reparations. To that end, the Comprehensive Peace Accord references commitments to form two transitional justice mechanisms: a Truth and Reconciliation Commission and a Commission on Disappeared Persons.

The Nepal Conflict Report documents and analyses the major categories of conflict-related violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law that took place in Nepal from February 1996 to 21 November 2006.

By contributing to the documentation and compilation of serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law committed in Nepal during the conflict, the Report aims to assist the People of Nepal to realize a transitional justice strategy, to combat the prevailing impunity and to enable the conflict's many victims to obtain justice.

The Core Messages of the Nepal Conflict Report
1.Under international law, the Government of Nepal has a fundamental obligation to investigate and prosecute serious violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law that were committed during the conflict.

2.Where there is a reasonable basis for suspicion that a serious violation of international law occurred, these cases merit prompt and independent investigation by a full judicial process

3.The transitional justice mechanisms are an important part of the transitional justice process but should complement criminal processes and not be an alternative to them

The Transitional Justice Reference Archive
The cases and data in the Nepal Conflict Report are derived from the Transitional Justice Reference Archive (TJRA), a database of approximately 30,000 documents and cases relevant to the armed conflict. This database was developed to both preserve important evidence concerning events during the conflict, and to allow for research into the incidents that have been recorded. The documents contained in this database, in both English and Nepali language were compiled from a wide range of credible sources including national and international NGOs as well as OHCHR-Nepal's own reporting over the last six years. Recorded cases contain information about the victim(s), the perpetrator group, the alleged violation, the date it occurred (or commenced) and its location. Most of the documents are reports and other materials already available in the public domain.

This database was originally developed to be an off-line reference tool for the use of the transitional justice commissions. The public version that is available from this website has been modified in two ways. Firstly, all information deemed confidential, such as certain case material, has been removed. Secondly, the public version has been adopted for use in html format which has resulted in certain limitations to the search function. OHCHR is currently working to finalise the off-line public version to be made available to Nepali organisations working on transitional justice issues.

For more on the report (also available in Nepali langauge), visit OHCHR website here.

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Reparations programs are most effective and meaningful when integrated with truth seeking and accountability.

Future reparations measures should address the absence of victim participation, and non-monetary and symbolic reparations in previous relief programs.

The peace agreement calls for reparations that address both the causes and consequences of conflict and injustice.

In 2007, after the signing of the CPA, the Nepali government created a multi-agency task force to collect data on the number of victims of the conflict and on the basis of draft guidelines for the IRP, which were approved the following year (See note 1). After commencing in 2008, the IRP was due to be completed by July 2010; however, the processing of applications is now set to end in October 2012. Specific follow-up measures, including the provision of employment services to victims of the armed conflict, are being piloted in 12 districts. Other measures like the provision of benefits to children orphaned due to the conflict have yet to be fully implemented (See note 2). So far, the IRP has provided benefits to over 30,000 people who were categorized as "conflict victims" and approximately 80,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs). In the six years since the peace agreement was signed, and throughout the implementation of the IRP, Nepal has had a succession of fragile coalition governments. The country's Constituent Assembly has been dissolved without completing its task of drafting a new constitution. Measures to establish a Truth Commission (TC) and a separate Commission of Inquiry on Disappearances (COID) remain pending, as provisions that could provide amnesty for perpetrators of serious human rights violations related to the conflict have been opposed by victims, human rights advocates, and the international community.

Given the political instability and economic difficulties facing Nepal, the implementation of the IRP was a remarkable step forward, taken just two years after the signing of the peace agreement. While political pressure and financial backing from the international community were important contributing factors, offering relief within that short period of time would not have been possible without political will on the part of the Nepali government. The IRP demonstrated that some of the needs of victims could be addressed even in a politically unstable and resource-challenged post-conflict setting. There is no doubt that the program offered material benefits to a significant number of victims and provided valuable lessons for the government and other parties in how the state can engage with victims of human rights violations.

However, the process by which interim relief measures were distributed and the general lack of acknowledgement of state accountability in the measures to date has meant that the IRP, despite its merits, has not fully responded to the needs of all victims. An ICTJ publication, "From Relief to Reparations: Listening to the Voices of Victims," analyzes in greater detail how the IRP was implemented and the experiences of victims with the program (See note 3).

This paper will discuss the underlying assumptions of the IRP. First, it will examine whether the IRP can be considered a reparations program, given the extent of victim participation and the nature of the benefits that were offered. Second, it will explain why relief cannot be a substitute for reparations and why the absence of an admission of state responsibility for certain crimes (and corresponding justice and accountability mechanisms) has eroded the impact of the IRP. Third, in addition to examining the benefits that were offered in the IRP and earlier programs for IDPs relating to property loss and destruction, this paper will discuss the importance of taking steps beyond relief and consider how reparations can contribute to addressing the root causes of the armed conflict in Nepal.

Is the Interim Relief Program a Reparations Program?
Nepal's IRP has offered victims the following benefits (See note 4):
1. NPR 100,000 Nepalese rupees (approximately US $1,400 in 2008) to the nearest beneficiary of those who were killed, or who were forcibly disappeared by parties to the conflict.

2. NPR 25,000 each to the widows of men who died or the wives of those who were forcibly disappeared during the conflict (in addition to the NPR 100,000 above).

3. "Scholarships" for children of persons killed, forcibly disappeared, or seriously disabled during the conflict.
4. Reimbursement of medical expenses or treatment at a government hospital for a specified level of disability or injury resulting from the conflict.

5. Skills development training for eligible conflict victims.

6. Compensation for persons and institutions whose real or personal property was lost or damaged during the conflict.

While these measures cover two important categories of victims--those who were killed and forcibly disappeared--and offer a range of packages, the predominant form of relief is financial compensation to the survivor or to the victim's family. The government's decision to compensate victims for the impact of violations primarily with money is clear in the evolution of the IRP guidelines. In an earlier version of the IRP guidelines, families of those who were killed were offered NPR 100,000, while families of forcibly disappeared persons were only offered NPR 25,000 (See note 5). The difference seems to have been based on an assumption that the "missing" person could reappear and, thus, the economic loss to the family would only be temporary. This prompted families of the forcibly disappeared to complain, and many said they were compelled to claim their family member as deceased in order to receive the higher amount (See note 6). Also under the guidelines, widows of men who were killed and wives of disappeared husbands were not eligible to receive the NPR 25,000 compensation if they had remarried (See note 7).

Children of victims are eligible for scholarships in the form of fixed sums of money sent to the district government by the state, which is then paid to parents/guardian of those children. As described in "From Relief to Reparations: Listening to the Voices of Victims" and as confirmed by officials of the Department of Education met by ICTJ, (See note 8) the sum provided was insufficient to cover the number of children who qualified, so eligible families have been compelled to advance school fees or cover unpaid balances. There has been no unqualified recognition by the state of its responsibility for the death or disappearance that led to a family's inability to send their children to school.

Even taking into account the IRP's limited financial capacity to cover the full cost of providing scholarships to all eligible children, the government has not used the program to make symbolic gestures that would honor the victims and their families. For example, the scholarship is not named after a prominent conflict victim, as ICTJ and other civil society organizations have suggested to Nepali policymakers, and the program is not linked to more meaningful material measures, like prioritizing the construction of schools in districts severely affected by conflict. (By comparison, the government has prioritized the reconstruction of police stations in some of these districts.)

None of the benefits in the IRP were accompanied by material or symbolic measures that explicitly acknowledge the loss and continued suffering of victims and their families--particularly families of the forcibly disappeared. The IRP was designed for "conflict victims" and not necessarily victims of violations of human rights or international humanitarian law. This has resulted in the program blurring the distinction between those killed or injured as a consequence of the legitimate use of force while acting as combatants and those killed or injured as a consequence of human rights violations. Because it is not a program meant to recognize victims of human rights violations as such, the IRP has been able to selectively (even arbitrarily) exclude certain human rights violations, such as torture and sexual violence, while offering relief for certain material harms to "conflict victims" who endured quite different suffering and hardships to those whose family members were killed, disappeared or, being landless, were displaced. For example, compensation was given to property owners who could not collect rent or their share of agricultural harvests, business owners whose buildings or vehicles were used by combatants, and even those who were injured in demonstrations or strikes (bandhas) that continue to break out in Nepal after the CPA.

The Absence of Accountability and Failure to Acknowledge State Responsibility
It is important to note the distinction between relief and reparations. Reparations recognize that rights have been violated and that the state is obligated to repair the consequences of the violation. Relief is the immediate assistance offered to those affected by man-made or natural disasters, where the goal is simply to relieve recipients of the extraordinary physical burdens brought on by an emergency or to help them deal with the immediate aftermath of the disaster. Relief is important and useful for victims but it cannot be a substitute for reparations.

The IRP does not fulfill the victims' right to reparations, not only because it does not treat beneficiaries as victims of human rights violations, but also because it does not acknowledge the state's responsibility for those violations. Reparations is founded on the recognition by the state of its responsibility to repair the harm to victims by violations that the state could have prevented or those for which it can be directly attributed. In the language of the 2005 UN Basic Principles and Guidelines on a Right to Remedy and Reparations (UN Guidelines), the provision of reparations "is intended to promote justice by redressing gross violations of international human rights law or serious violations of international humanitarian law." (See note 9). Reparations are a justice mechanism, not simply a means to relieve victims of the material difficulties that accompany an armed conflict.

The UN Guidelines state that reparations must be "adequate, effective, and prompt." The relatively quick implementation of Nepal's IRP meets part of this standard. However, the absence of any measure within the program that recognizes state responsibility and the lack of a link outside the program to other mechanisms that give effect to that recognition of responsibility--such as a good faith effort by the government to determine the whereabouts of the forcibly disappeared or to prosecute perpetrators of killings related to the conflict--makes the IRP inadequate and ineffective as a means of repairing human rights violations.

The government could have introduced measures through which the injustices suffered by survivors or victims were acknowledged by offering appropriate services and material measures (other than money). For example, the government could have offered legal assistance to families of the forcibly disappeared so that they could address the legal consequences of the disappearance on their personal status, livelihood, and property (See note 10).The government also could have accompanied compensation with symbolic gestures that acknowledged state responsibility. For example, the government could have held public ceremonies that named or honored those who died. Instead, the government has paid claimants through the Chief District Officer (CDO), the highest administrative officer in district-based Nepal's political subdivision, or deposited funds directly into personal bank accounts, without any indication or acknowledgement that payments were related to gross human rights violations (See note 11).

Ongoing efforts to establish a TC and COID, which in the ordinance submitted by the government to the president for signature in August 2012 were combined into one, offer another opportunity for the state to acknowledge its responsibility, through the truth-seeking process and in the reparations measures that these commissions can recommend. Doing so would be an important way to make up for the failure and inability of the government so far to incorporate an acknowledgment of state responsibility into the IRP.

However, there are indications that some of Nepal's political leaders view the TC and COID as a means of avoiding accountability and diluting any acknowledgement of state responsibility. One indication is the emphasis on reconciliation in the proposals that shift the burden of acknowledging responsibility from the state to individual perpetrators. Another is the ongoing attempt to introduce provisions that would empower a TC to make recommendations for amnesty, which in some versions, including the recent draft ordinance, includes amnesty for serious violations that cannot be amnestied under international law.

Since 2008, different versions of the bills and the recent ordinance have incorporated a provision in which the TC can facilitate "reconciliation." But reconciliation is a vague concept in transitional justice; when linked to amnesty or made a condition for receiving reparations, it can reinforce impunity (See note 12). For example, in Indonesia, a 2004 truth commission law required that before victims could receive reparations they consent to granting amnesty to individual perpetrators. Not only was this specific requirement declared unconstitutional by Indonesia's highest court, but the entire law was declared unconstitutional, removing the legal basis to establish a truth commission (See note 13). The proposed Nepal TC bill gives the commission the role of "caus(ing) reconciliation to be made." This proposal shifts responsibility for violations from the state to individual perpetrators, who are required to apologize, "provide reasonable compensation," and take part in "reconciliation functions." In response to concerns from civil society, including ICTJ, that this amounts to requiring victims to reconcile with perpetrators, the government added a clause stating that "notwithstanding anything contained elsewhere in this section, reconciliation cannot be made without the consent of the victim." While this qualification is important, the emphasis still remains on the responsibility of individual perpetrators without adequately addressing the responsibility of the state. It provides little assurance that future reparations recommendations will be based on state responsibility.

The TC and COID bills and the subsequent ordinance have a provision that allows the commissions to propose specific forms of reparations to the government (See note 14). It also includes a provision that neither the receipt of compensation from individual perpetrators nor a recommendation for amnesty for perpetrators will preclude victims from receiving reparations.

The draft provision does not mention symbolic reparations or other non-compensation measures that the state, rather than the perpetrator(s), could take to recognize victims of human rights violations. The proposed provision on reconciliation contains a reference to establishing "memorials . . . with the involvement of the perpetrator and victim", again implying that the burden of acknowledging responsibility belongs to the perpetrator, and not to the state. It is also cause for concern that measures to address the status of the disappeared and assist families in locating forcibly disappeared persons are likewise not mentioned as forms of reparations.

The persistent effort by some Nepali political leaders to introduce amnesty provisions for perpetrators into the proposed truth-seeking measures reinforces concerns about an outcome in which reparations are offered in exchange for impunity. Speaking for the major political parties drafting the legislation, one political leader has said that the parties "agreed to go for reconciliation and amnesty instead of prosecution for all kinds of crimes because this is what we believe is key to securing lasting peace." (See note 15). Granting amnesty for serious human rights violations that are considered crimes under international law would severely undermine the value of any reparations measures, whether from the perpetrator or from the state. Similar amnesty-for-reparations bargains have led to unjust outcomes elsewhere, including in South Africa and Indonesia (See note 16).

Reparations and the Root Causes of Conflict in Nepal
A future reparations policy in Nepal should acknowledge that victims have suffered human rights violations (and are not just "conflict victims") and that the state has a responsibility to address the consequences of these violations with survivors and victims' families. Such a policy should not be founded on victims surrendering their right to the truth and justice in exchange for material reparations. It should address the root causes of violations, and not just the consequences of violations that took place within the fixed time period covered by the CPA, 1993-2003. In Nepal, and in other contexts where violations of social and economic rights have been as gross, systematic, and widespread as violations of civil and political rights during an armed conflict or under a dictatorship, reparations policies should be informed by, and contribute to redressing, the root causes of the broader range of human rights violations.

A 2002-2005 study by the UK Department for International Development and the World Bank (DFIDWB study) found that Nepal's 2,000-year old caste and ethnic hierarchies systematically excluded members of the lowest Hindu caste, known as Dalits, as well as members of non-Hindu ethnic groups, or Janajatis, from economic and social opportunities and political empowerment (See note 17). The study concluded that the caste system consigns Dalits and Janajatis to poverty, denying them access to livelihood, property, health care, and education. The system has a particularly negative impact on women, restricting their access to land and other economic opportunities and making them more vulnerable to trafficking and sexual exploitation.

The DFID-WB study concluded that when: the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), launched its 'People's War' in February 1996 and included the persisting caste, ethnic and gender-based disparities in its political agenda . . . they [were] able to provide important symbolic recognition to disaffected women, Dalits and Janajatis and to bring their demands into public debate (See note 18).

The importance of recognizing the experiences of Dalits and Janajatis in a future reparations policy cannot be overstated. These communities suffered disproportionately from violence committed by state and non-state actors during the conflict, as well as violations of their economic and social rights both during and before the conflict. Dalits and Janajatis constitute more than half of Nepal's population of 30 million; but Dalits own less than 1% of land in the country, have a ten-year lesser life expectancy than higher-caste Nepali, and earn 80% less than the average Nepali per capita income of US $210 (See note 19). Most Dalits and Janajatis survive as landless farmworkers indebted to their landowners. Their poverty and lack of social and political power made them more vulnerable than others in Nepal to abuse and violence committed during the conflict.

The DFID-WB study found: the lack of opportunities to earn cash income as [their] greatest constraint. This was cited as a reason for removing children from school and for not being able to send a family member overseas for employment.

Lack of income prevented some from seeking health care and from benefiting from development interventions, including the opportunity to attend training. Lack of income also prevented some from taking out loans because, in spite of the ubiquity of savings and credit groups, membership generally depends on being able to meet the group's agreed level of weekly cash contributions to the saving pool (See note 20). A 2003 USAID-commissioned study concluded that while caste and ethnicity were a significant "contributing factor" to the growth of the Maoist movement, it was driven by "grinding poverty" and economic marginalization (See note 21). Recent constitutional and legislative measures in Nepal intended to prohibit discrimination may improve the situation of Dalits and lower-caste communities in the future, (See note 22) but they will not undo the harm caused by the widespread and systematic violations of social and economic rights committed in the past, for which victims are entitled to a remedy and reparations. The caste system is an example of what the UN Guidelines refers to as "contemporary forms of victimization, (which) while essentially directed against persons, may nevertheless also be directed against groups of persons who are targeted collectively."

Given the root causes of the conflict and the types of violations suffered by victims, including the most marginalized, a future reparations policy should consider whether the emphasis on individualized reparations measures in both the IRP and the proposed TC and COID laws and the reliance on one-time payments will be sufficient. One of the most important objectives of a reparations policy is establishing "civic trust" so that victims will believe in the ability and willingness of state institutions to address their grievances. A reparations policy acknowledging that Dalits and Janajatis were deliberately denied basic social and economic rights and that specific communities were targeted in violence committed by state and non-state actors would help to build or restore civic trust.

A "collective" or "community" approach to reparations has been attempted in some countries, like Morocco, and proposed in other contexts, including the International Criminal Court and the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (Khmer Rouge tribunal). While it is too early to make generalizations about collective reparations (the Moroccan example only began in 2008), (See note 23) one example that Nepal can continue to learn from is Peru. (That a significant non-state actor in both the Peruvian and Nepali cases is a Maoist armed movement may be of some relevance, as noted by the 2003 USAID study.)

Th e Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) clearly established the link between the economic and social exclusion suffered by victims and the violence they experienced from both state and non-state actors during the conflict. It found that: there was a significant relationship between poverty and social exclusion and the probability of becoming a victim of violence . . . The TRC has established that the peasant (campesina) population was the principal victim of the violence. Of the total victims reported, 79 percent lived in rural areas and 56 percent were engaged in farming or livestock activities . . . the TRC has been able to discern that the process of violence, combined with socioeconomic gaps, highlighted the seriousness of ethno-cultural inequalities that still prevail in the country. According to analysis of the testimonies received, 75 percent of the victims who died in the internal armed conflict spoke Quechua or other native languages as their mother tongue. This figure contrasts tellingly with the fact that, according to the 1993 census, on a national level only 16 percent of the Peruvian population shares that characteristic . . .

The TRC has established that the tragedy suffered by the populations of rural Peru, the Andean and jungle regions, Quechua and Ashaninka Peru, the peasant, poor, and poorly educated Peru, was neither felt nor taken on as its own by the rest of the country. Th is demonstrates, in the TRC's judgment, the veiled racism and scornful attitudes that persist in Peruvian society almost two centuries after its birth as a republic." (See note 24) Peru's reparations policy has prioritized the implementation of community reparations. Since 2007, the government has identified some 1,600 rural communities (that include more than 700,000 people) as having been disproportionately affected by violence. Each community has received approximately US$35,000. These communities can choose to invest this sum in "(1) the reconstruction of economic, productive, and commercial infrastructure or access to economic opportunities, or (2) the recovery and expansion of basic services in education, health, sanitation, rural electrification, recovery of community heritage, and other projects in which the collective has a stake." (See note 25)

In Nepal, a future reparations policy will have to consider whether a combination of community and individualized but long-term reparations measures are more appropriate, given the length and severity of violations suffered by Dalit and Janajati victims. This will require the state to identify and register victims according to their economic status, caste, and ethnicity--an approach that was not followed by the IRP. Applications for the IRP did not ask whether victims had income or land, or a prior experience that would constitute a human rights violation--such as sexual violence or the denial of social or economic rights. The government did not disaggregate victim information according to caste or ethnicity, while gender was only regarded as relevant with respect to identifying the widows or wives of those who were killed or forcibly disappeared.

A reparations policy informed by the root causes of the conflict, that addresses social and economic rights violations (alongside violations involving armed violence), is consistent with the CPA, which provides Nepal's post-conflict transitional justice framework. The CPA recognizes the need to relieve victims of the harms caused by violence committed during the conflict, and the IRP was a product of that recognition. But the CPA also recognizes that, both before and during the conflict, there were violations of social, economic, and cultural rights, including inequitable land distribution; (See note 26) discrimination based on class, caste, and gender; (See note 27) and the undemocratic rule of the monarchy. (See note 28) In addition, the CPA commits its parties to respect the full range of human rights violations and recognizes that economic, social, and cultural rights, including the right to food, health, education, and social security, were violated in the past. (See note 29)

The CPA states - 3.5 In order to end discriminations based on class, ethnicity, language, gender, culture, religion and region and to address the problems of women, Dalit, indigenous people, ethnic minorities (Janajatis), Terai communities (Madheshis), oppressed, neglected and minority communities and the backward areas by deconstructing the current centralized and unitary structure, the state shall be restructured in an inclusive, democratic and forward looking manner.

Issues involving land and reparations are always complicated by the tension between respect for private property and the importance of transforming economic relations that make people vulnerable to human rights violations. In Nepal's case, it will be impossible to deal with property violations--such as the confiscation or takeover of land by Maoist rebels--without also addressing deeply entrenched inequity in the distribution of land, the exploitation of landless labor, and how the tight control of political power by certain castes and families have been mutually reinforcing factors throughout Nepal's feudal history.

The international community has played a decisive role in the implementation of the IRP, and only the same kind of support can lead to achieving the CPA's strategic goals, including addressing the root causes of conflict in Nepal. The World Bank provided Nepal with a USD $50 million grant in 2008, (See note 30) of which US $23 million was used for relief programs, with the remainder allocated to reintegration allowances for former Maoist combatants in UN-monitored cantonments. The Bank's role as both catalyst and donor in the effort to address the needs of victims made relief possible. The Bank recently acknowledged the relationship between development, justice, and security in its 2011 World Development Report, (See note 31) which gives a positive indication that the Bank may be willing to play a greater role not only in supporting reparations, but also in providing the kind of catalyzing support that can link transitional justice mechanisms with long-term development goals. Similarly, the support that donor governments gave to the IRP, through the Nepal Peace Trust Fund (NPTF) and the UN Peace Fund for Nepal (UNPFN), shows that the international community is willing to provide material recognition and support when it sees genuine concern for and the political will to respond to victims' needs. Going forward, the international community's role will be critical in ensuring that an integrated approach to transitional justice is taken in Nepal and that the right to reparations is respected and not used in efforts to maintain impunity. Similarly, it will be important for survivors, victims groups, civil society organizations, and victims' advocates among national and international policymakers to not only engage with the ongoing transitional justice process in Nepal, but use it as a strategic opportunity to address some of the root causes of conflict in Nepal's still unfinished transition.

Conclusion
Reparations programs are most effective and meaningful when integrated with truth seeking and accountability. The right to reparations is not dependent on the establishment of a truth commission, or on the prosecution of perpetrators of violations, but reparations programs are likely to be more effective if these measures are in place. A relief program that does not include measures to acknowledge the accountability of state and non-state actors, or information about the forcibly disappeared, and the circumstances in which other violations were committed, and the investigation and prosecution of the individuals responsible for the most serious crimes, falls very short of the international standards articulated in the UN Basic Principles and Guidelines on a Right to Remedy and Reparations.

Future reparations measures should address the absence of victim participation, and non-monetary and symbolic reparations in previous relief programs. A reparations program will be more meaningful if it allows victims and civil society representatives to participate in deciding and implementing the program's policies. Combining non-compensation material measures, like services that take into account victims' social, economic, and cultural conditions, gender, and needs over time, with financial assistance over a longer period (rather than a one-time lump sum) may be more sustainable and helpful. Symbolic measures such as memorials, commemorations, and official apologies should be incorporated in any future reparations mechanism. An integrated approach to reparations should also include opportunities to learn the truth and ensure both state and non-state perpetrators accept their responsibility for their actions.

The peace agreement calls for reparations that address both the causes and consequences of conflict and injustice. The combination of chronic poverty and social inequality in Nepal should not be ignored by the application of transitional justice mechanisms. Reparations programs should have an impact on and be informed by the social and economic conditions of the victims they intend to repair. A broader approach to reparations, one that looks at the circumstances that may have made victims vulnerable to violations, would consider the causes of conflict, the social and economic conditions of potential beneficiaries--including communities and groups that might benefit from collective reparations--and how these may overlap with long-neglected health, education, and other development needs.

NOTES

1. The Guidelines for Economic Assistance and Relief for Conflict Victims were drafted in 2008 and required that relief be distributed within a two-year period or until 2010.

2. The MoPR is drafting additional guidelines proposing further benefits for children orphaned due to the conflict.

3. ICTJ, "From Relief to Reparations: Listening to the Voices of Victims," 2011. http://ictj.org/publication/relief-reparations-listeningvoices-victims

4. Discussed in "From Relief to Reparations: Listening to the Voices of Victims."

5. In the original IRP guidelines issued in 2008, paragraph five of the section entitled "Financial assistance to the abductees and disappeared," stated that when an "innocent citizen (is) proven to be abducted and disappeared. . . for more than 30 days, (the) close relative of the victim of such abduction and disappearance shall receive the consolidated sum of NPR 25,000 from the state as relief."

6. From the author's notes: These sentiments were expressed to ICTJ and to its partner organizations in several meetings conducted with victims' groups and civil society organizations between 2008 and 2010. In January 2010, at a meeting with the MoPR Relief and Rehabilitation Unit and the multi-agency task force responsible for processing applications for relief under the IRP, the government acknowledged this problem. The task force also noted that some families had applied for relief under both categories, to ensure that they could receive the greater amount. Also see the discussion on this matter, on page 16 of "Listening to the Voices of Victims."

7. Paragraph 1.3 of the 2008 version of the IRP entitled "Economic assistance to widows" states: "If the wife of the deceased has remarried, such assistance amount shall not be provided. While recommending for such economic assistance, recommendation shall be made only after ascertaining whether the person has remarried or not." This provision has not been amended in subsequent versions.

8. From the author's notes: In November 2010, ICTJ conducted a workshop in Kathmandu with government officials from various ministries and agencies responsible for different components of the IRP, including those from the Department of Education responsible for budgeting and disbursing scholarships.

9. Basic Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and Reparation for Victims of Gross Violations of International Human Rights Law and Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law, adopted by General Assembly Resolution 60/147 of Dec. 16, 2005, http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4721cb942.html

10. For further discussion of the needs of the families of the disappeared, see Simon Robins, "An assessment of the needs of families of the Missing in Nepal" (ICRC, April 2009).

11. In a discussion with a CDO in 2010, the official told the author that he did not have time to actually see most of the recipients, hear what they have to say about their experiences, or express any sentiment on behalf of the government.

12. For further discussion of the implications of amnesty to reconciliation in the draft TC and COID bills, see
Navigating Amnesty and Reconciliation in Nepal's Truth and Reconciliation Commission Bill. http://ictj.org/publication/navigatingamnesty-and-reconciliation-nepal%E2%80%99s-truth-and-reconciliation-commission-bill

13. For further discussion of efforts in Indonesia to establish a truth commission, obtain reparations, and pursue criminal accountability since the end of the Suharto regime, see ICTJ and Contra S., Derailed: Transitional Justice in Indonesia since the Fall of Suharto.
http://ictj.org/publication/derailed-transitional-justice-indonesia-fall-soeharto-report

14. Based on ICTJ's unofficial English translation, it states: "Section 24. To recommend for Reparation:

(1) The Commission shall, if it is found necessary to cause the confiscated or seized property of the victim to be returned to him/ her and provide any type of relief, compensation or any other facility in the form of reparations to the victim through inquiry and investigation carried out in accordance with this Act, make recommendations to the Government of Nepal.

(2) Notwithstanding anything contained in Sub-section (1), the Commission may, if it deems appropriate, make recommendations to the Government of Nepal to provide facilities or concessions, in the form of reparations to the victim or as per situation, any member of his/her family as follows:

(a) Free education and health-care facilities;

(b) Skill-oriented training;

(c) Loan facilities without or with concessional interests;

(d) Arrangements of habitation;

(e) Employment facilities;

(f) Facilities regarding restitution and rehabilitation;

(g) Other facilities or concessions as deemed appropriate by the Commission.

15. Kamal Raj Sigdel, "Transitional justice: parties go for blanket amnesties," December 17, 2011, http://www.ekantipur.com/2011/12/17/top-story/transitional-justice-parties-go-for-blanket-amnesty/345662.html

16. For a discussion on recent developments on amnesty and pardons in South Africa, see ICTJ, "Amnesty Does Not Erase the Truth," http://ictj.org/news/amnesty-does-not-erase-truth; on the problematic relationship between amnesty and reparations, see ICTJ's
amicus brief "ICTJ Written Submission: Legality of Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Indonesia," available at http://ictj.org/publication/ictj-written-submission-legality-truth-and-reconciliation-commission

17. World Bank, "Unequal Citizens: Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal," 2006, available at http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/2006/04/7245805/unequal-citizens-gender-caste-ethnic-exclusion-nepal-vol-1-2-
summary

18. Ibid, at 4.

19. Rajeev Goyal, Puja Dhawan, and Smita Narula, "The Missing Piece of the Puzzle: Caste Discrimination and the Conflict in Nepal," (2005, NYU Center for Human Rights and Global Justice).

20. Unequal Citizens, at 36.

21. Robert Gersony, Sowing the Wind: History and Dynamics of the Maoist Revolt in Nepal's Rapti Hills (2003).

22. See UN News Centre, "Nepal: UN welcomes new law on caste-based discrimination," May 25, 2011, available at http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=38496#.UGm7SU3A9c4

23. For a detailed comparative discussion of collective reparations, see Ruben Carranza and Julie Guillerot, "The Rabat Report: The Concept and Challenges of Collective Reparations" (ICTJ, 2009), available at http://ictj.org/publication/rabat-report-concept-and-challenges-collective-reparations

24. Final Report, Peru's Truth and Reconciliation Commission, 2003, available at http://www.cverdad.org.pe/ingles/pagina01.php

25. ICTJ internal report on the status of collective reparations in Peru (2011).

26. See par 3.6, 3.7, and 3.10 of the CPA.

27. See par 3.5 and 3.10 of the CPA.

28. See par 3.3 and 3.5 of the CPA. "No state powers shall remain with the king. The properties owned by the late King Birendra, the late Queen Aishwarya and their family members . . . shall be brought under the control of the Government of Nepal and used in the interest of the nation through a trust. All properties (such as palaces at various places, forests and National Parks, heritages of historical and archaeological significance etc.) acquired by King Gyanendra in his monarchical capacity shall be nationalized."

29. See par 7.5 of the CPA.

30. World Bank, "Emergency Project Paper for a Proposed Grant in the amount of SDR 31.3 Million ($US 50 Million equivalent) to Nepal for an Emergency Peace Support Project," April 21, 2008. The paper states "the project would explicitly help to (i) facilitate peace building . . . and (ii) establish and/or preserve human, institutional, and/or social capital, including economic reintegration of vulnerable groups."

31. World Bank, "The World Development Report 2011: Conflict, Security and Development" (2011), available at http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTWDRS/Resources/WDR2011_Full_Text.pdf

Ruben Carranza, "Relief, Reparations, and the Root Causes of Conflict in Nepal", International Center for Transitional Justice, October 2012.

Whenever I have flexible time I spend 6 hours a day surfing the internet, if not 2 hours a day. It has become my daily routine. I generally use internet to keep in touch with my friends and families who are far from me. But it does not mean that I do not give time for educational purposes.

Now if I'm asked to part away from the media then it will be a punishment for me. I use media equally for information, education and entertainment.

Even though the right to information, and press freedom is guaranteed in the Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2063, Nepali media still face a plenty of challenges. Most of these media, whether owned by the government or the private sector, are controlled by the political parties, directly or indirectly. Those parties who are in the government may control the media directly whereas those who are not in the government may control them indirectly.

Nepali media are facing economic or financial challenges as well. According to Ram Prasad Luital, a section officer at the Department of Industry, they register industries under three categories- small (up to Rs. 3 crore investment), medium (from Rs. 4 to 10 crore), and large (above Rs. 10 crore). He further said Nepali media fall under these three types of industries. Nepali market in not huge but the number of media organizations is large so apparently it is becoming hard for the media to survive. Due to limited income of the gneral readers one newspaper may be read by at least ten persons.

Until 2007, the Nepali media's worth was estimated to be over $30-million industry. The latest data provided by Office of the Company Registration shows that there are 1,961 media related registered companies, and their total investment in the media sector amounts to Rs 1.8 billion (the exact figure is 1,80,77,99,220). However, this figure is only the declared amount listed as investment monies during the registration of the comapanies. Actual worth of the entire industry may be several times higher, specially when we consider reports that the leading media house Kantipur Publications alone is valued to be over Rs 2 billion.

Similarly, lack of the latest technologies and skilled manpower are hindering the growth of Nepali media. Both these aspects play important role in media development. Without the latest technology none of the work can be done effectively and efficiently. The use of technology, such as the internet and the social media is still driven by individual journalists' interest rather than the institutional commitment. The use of Facebook, Twitter or Skype in reporting purposes is still limited in the mainstream media.

In broadcast technology, the use of OB Van, an outside broadcasting mobile unit which delivers quality images, is still limited to only a few media houses, for example Kantipur TV and NTV. Most other TV stations rely on optical fiber transport system.

Likewise, skilled manpower is the backbone of any organization, beyond the media sector. Data shows that most media professionals, about 50 percent, are relatively young (19-30 years), having at least a Bachelor's degree. However, they don't remain in the job for long, and change their professions. Specialized training for media professionals is rare.

Despite these drawbacks or challenges, with the growth of Nepali media, and because of their increased focus on social ills and conflict, in recent times people have become more aware about their rights. Not long ago, even educated people used to remain less informed about the conflict or violence in our society. Today, they are constantly updated with current news/ information on such issues.

Ideally, the role of media is to broadcast or publish voice of the voiceless. The media are helping to convey their grievances to the concerned departments. If we did not have these media it is possible that those people's voices would have been suppressed. Therefore, we may say media are playing the role of the watchdog. They are warning the government in case of wrongdoings and at the same time they are raising the issues of people who have a little say in the policy process.

New media have changed the way we learn about things. Before the advent of the internet, it was impossible to physically attend a class for education but now anyone can earn an academic certificate via distant education, or e-learning. Nepali journalists today can participate in online training. For example, the Nepal Press Institute has recently started an e-learning course. People can study and work at the same time. For educational purpose the internet has played a vital role. The invention of the internet has made this easier. Now the world has become a global village.
And entertainment has become every individual's basic need. We all are fond of entertainment whether we are in sorrow or in a celebration. More than a hundred movies are produced every year in Nepal. Television shows abound.
With the establishment of a large number of media houses, more people are getting jobs than in the past. Like any other organization, media houses also need a big number of staff members to work from top-level management position to the first-line supervision.

Media have a great potential to contribute to the development of our society but they still have not played a sufficient role in doing that. To this day, our government's reach is limited; there are still many places where its services are not available. The media have to cover new places and carry stories that portray the actual state of development in the country.

It appears that many people believe that development means construction of roads, clearing of jungles or deforestation for new farmlands or housing areas. But such notions, although in some regards may be true, can be wrong. Here is an opportunity for our media to play a pro-active role, to be responsible in making people aware about issues like these.

What is important is the actual practices that have positive impact on people's lives. As Kundan Aryal, a media educator and journalist, says, media professionals "have to be able to change the physical and practical behavior of people through their contents". The contents could include writings, drama, documentaries, photo features etc. Aryal adds: "If only physical change, then it is not development."

Although it is said that accuracy, balance, and credibility are the major news values embraced all over the world, these are not followed in an appropriate way in Nepal. Most of the media seem to give priority to political news. Politics gets front-page space or the prime time. Social news is given less value. However, at the present, with a gradual increase in the coverage of other issues, it seems things are improving a bit. But the situation is not satisfactory yet. Still more space has to be given to social issues.

Tikaswari Rai maintains interest in media and social issues and likes to write about them.

First, a little more about the new media event, followed by summaries of stories with relevant links:

Five seasoned, net-savvy Nepali journalists were kept in seclusion in Hotel Mandap at Thamel for 3 days (72 hrs) from everything but computers or hand-held devices with uninterrupted access to the Internet.

The mission behind the closed door on the internet: find out the actual value of new media and their content in the development of news stories on issues that matter to the everyday lives of ordinary citizens.

The event was organized by the Kathmandu-based Media Foundation, in association with Hotel Mandap, Thamel, Kathmandu, The Himalayan Aid, and Vision for Nepal Foundation, USA.

The event challenged journalists to restrict their sourcing and information gathering to new media while reporting and writing original, high-quality stories on vital public issues. The story ideas were selected through intense discussion among participants and researchers. It took night-long discussion and selection process to arrive at the list of 5 pertinent social issues out of 17 different topics suggested by individual participants. The selection was done by lot.

During the lot drawing each of the participant picked up a story suggested by a peer: "Social Cost of Foreign Employment"- Rajneesh Bhandari (Kantipur TV), "Climate Change in Everest Region"- Keshav Koirala (The Himalayan Times), "Internet Penetration in Nepal's Rural Community"- Guna Raj Luitel (Nagarik), "Small Town Street Kids"- Arun Rai (Republica) and "Food Alternatives in Karnali"- Binu Subedi (Community Information Network-CIN).

The 3-member research team that monitored, observed and recorded the event included Dr Dharma Adhikari, Hem Raj Kafle, and Tikaswari Rai. The experiences and findings along with the stories are being compiled to be published later.

The story on the event was first reported on Sept 5, 2012 by Nagarik, a national daily in Kathmandu. The headline in Nepali language read: Five journalists to live in a 'cave'. The media blog site, mediakurakani, reported (Sept 6, 2012): Five Journalists to Enter 'Cave' in order to Explore the Value of New Media! It said the research event sought to assess the value of social media in reporting stories related to every day life of ordinary people.

The National News Agency (RSS) carried a piece announcing the Gufa event (Sept 7, 2012). Stories from RSS were carried by Republica, The Himalayan Times and many other news outlets, in print as well as online, including blog sites.

The German News Agency DPA carried a feature story "New media experiment for journalists in Nepal" (8 Sep, 2012). Part of the story, reported by Pratibha Tuladhar, read: The objective of this camp is to assess the extent of internet reach in a developing country like Nepal in sourcing and reporting stories..."

Further, the story reported: The reporters would use the internet to interact with sources but must maintain silence. They will have access to handheld devices and laptop computers but will not be allowed to speak on the phone or talk to each other.

It added: They are expected to develop stories on rural issues such as health, literacy, climate change, gender and children. Nepal only has 19-per-cent internet penetration and less than 1 million people use new media in Nepal, which is what makes this a challenging task for journalists," Adhikari said. He said he borrowed the idea from a similar experiment in France, which he had read about on the internet.

The Himalayan Times offered an update during the reporting process at the Gufa (Bid to develop stories that touch life, Sept 9, 2012). It reported: In a bid to find out the actual value of social media in the development of news stories on issues that matter everyday lives, the Media Foundation launched New Media Gufa 2012 in the Capital today... The event will challenge journalists to restrict their sourcing and news gathering to new media while reporting and writing high-quality stories on issues of common concern in rural areas.

Following the event, on September 10, The Rising Nepal carried a front-page anchor story ("Reporting from seclusion, social proves useful source") on the experiences from participants in the Gufa. The report asked: Is it possible to write news stories by using only internet and the social media like facebook? The response: A group of five journalists has proved it possible here.

On the same day, on Sept 10, blogdai, an anonymous Nepal blogger (who is an online sensation) posted a piece about the Gufa (rumor was he attended the event!). The headline of his post read: "A new day in Nepal". Part of his article read: "... 'New Media Gufa' or 'cave' where 5 of Nepal's top tech-savvy journalists chained themselves to their computers for three days in a heroic attempt to determine the extent of internet penetration in Nepal and to see if Nepali stories could be accurately told and sourced through the conveniences and limitations of the internet alone. It was a beautifully conceived and elegantly simple plan and its execution was wondrous. Competing journalists talked and worked together as colleagues; debated, shared ideas and source information; and all was well and good until..."

A day later (Sept 11, 2012), Nepal Samacharpatra, a Nepali-language national daily, updated readers on the experiences of the participants (Five Journalists Reporting from Gufa). The report read: Media Foundation studied to find out the challenges that come at the time of reporting through social media. After three days in the Gufa, all the five participating journalists said in unison- "we are pleased to be a part of this research and learned important things in life". According to the Foundation, it may take a time to come up with a complete report.

Similarly, the mediakurakani blog updated its readers (Sept 11, 2012) in these words: Journalists' 72 hours experience of Gufa. The gist of the story: Before entering the cave, none of the participants had any idea regarding the topic they would be covering. During the research period mobile or landline phones were strictly prohibited. Only the internet was allowed for the purpose of interviewing people and gathering information. Participants had to cite authentic and reliable sources, such as documents online or websites or social networks.

The story noted that major media organizations located in Kathmandu had recently banned social network sites like Facebook, Twitter etc in the workplace. Now, the story read, New Media Gufa had become an educational occasion for such organizations.

The lead researcher at the Gufa, Dharma Adhikari, wrote in his column in Republica, describing his experience (New Media Gufa, Sept 12, 2012). First, he asked: So how did the new media practitioners, the net-savvy journalists themselves, come to terms with this reality? Kept in seclusion inside the Gufa for four days, with continuous net connectivity, was the group of journalists able to find out the actual value of new media? Could they restrict their sourcing and information gathering to new media while reporting and writing original stories on rural Nepal?

He wrote: The journalists, chained to their computers, were strictly confined to the cave and the hotel. They fully abstained from using the telephone or reading print media. Participants were observed throughout their work by the research team. Their physical gestures, their modes of communication and Internet use habits were coded in observation sheets. Instances and issues relating to net connectivity, online content, sourcing variations and news attributions were also coded for analysis.

He further wrote: Participants were required to use at least three local (from village or district level) human sources directly relevant to the subject, along with two expert, one documentary, and three data related sources from off the Internet. They could only use authentic, relevant and highly credible websites with complete references as appendices.

On September 15, 2012, Nitya Pandey, writing a feature story in The Kathmandu Post (A digital bubble) described the experience in these words:

"The five Gufa Explorers spent their days huddled over their computers, working on their respective stories. Cell phone use was banned except for Skyping, Tweeting or Facebooking. Keshav Koirala, an active social media user, currently with the online department at The Himalayan Times, prepared a report on the impact of climate change in the Everest region, while Arun Rai, the chief of myrepublica.com, wrote about street children in Dharan. As challenging as the project proved to be, all participants describe it as one of the most memorable experiences they've had, one that compelled them to be more inventive and resourceful than they'd ever thought possible. "It was very engaging," says Guna Raj Luitel, an eminent print journalist who has worked for Kantipur, Annapurna Post, and Nagarik dailies. "My piece was on the extent of Internet infiltration in Jumla. So, anyone who listed it as their hometown, I added to my friend list. I was surprised how many contacts that offered up."

"Of course, it wasn't always chipper in the Gufa. Adhikari says that apart from demonstrating the uses of new media as effective tools in sourcing and investigative reporting, the objective of the project was also to test the journalists on a more human level. "They begged, pleaded, and even wept in there," he says. "It was interesting to witness what escaped their lips under round-theclock surveillance. The most frequent words were 'I must call somebody.'" The time constraint and lack of timely responses from sources were also what exasperated most participants."

Some participants also wrote articles describing their experience. For example, Guna Raj Luitel from Nagarik, penned a piece entitled "Attraction of new media Gufa" (15 September, 2012). Part of the article in the Nepali-language daily read:

Now in our society too Facebook has become like a friend, Google as a guru (teacher) and Twitter as the humming sound of birds. This latest trend of internet is called social media. Media itself is not social or unsocial; they are just a medium.

He further wrote: Even though the participants were from different media organizations, the Gufa became like a newsroom and the discussion including the researchers were multi-dimensional. If every news topic is discussed in this way, then the result will be fine.

Another participant, Rajneesh Bhandari, produced (Sept 17, 2012) a multi-media story for thinkbrigade.com, an online publication based in the Netherlands, with a global scope. In the article, Nepal: Writing News Stories From a (Digital) Cave, he reported in detail about the event and his experience.

Part of the story read: For 72 hours, five journalists were kept in a secluded house, far from bustling newsrooms and their editors. The challenge was to produce stories based on online and social media sources. No phone calls, no interviews. The event, called New Media Gufa and organised by the non-profit Media Foundation Nepal in association with Hotel Mandap and Vision for Nepal Foundation USA, took place on 7-9 September in Kathmandu, the Nepalese capital.

"Gufa means cave in Nepali," said Binu Subedi, one of five journalists taking up the challenge. Journalists were nominated by their peers and screened by a selection committee.

In Nepali society, a cave is not just a natural underground chamber. It is the symbol of rigorous experimentation, a place for meditation, spiritual awakening and where one can contemplate on experiences. The media cave that took place in Hotel Mandap in Thamel, a major touristic hub in Kathmandu, was also given an aesthetic touch.

Yet another participant, Arun Rai, wrote in Republica (Allegory of the cave, 19 September 2012): The countdown begins at noon, with a team of fellow journalists and media researchers showing them the way to the makeshift cave right after the press conference. The following three days would see the journalists being tested for their reporting skills in a most trying situation, with their mobility restricted to the confinement. Except for internet, they are disallowed to use any conventional means of communication, such as phone, or converse among themselves.

He added: With individual stories assigned and specifications laid out, the journalists suddenly find themselves racing against time to hunt down their sources. With severe reporting constraints, the first leads of their stories don't get condensed before the new media stalwarts literally have psyched themselves out while making inroads for sourcing. At some point, the danger of failure loomed large over the Gufa!

Relevant links
> New Media Gufa official Website
> Official Twitter account
> Official Tumblr page
> YouTube account
> Flickr page
> Media Foundation- Nepal
> Media Foundation Facebook page

###

About 69.9% Nepali journalists use Facebook for personal use and half of them use it for both personal and professional purposes while 6% of the respondents use it exclusively for professional purposes, reveals the report FNJ Social Media Survey, 2012, released in the last week of June, 2012.

The report says about half of the respondents use Twitter and YouTube for personal use and around 20% do not use them at all. About 40% of the respondents use LinkedIn for professional networking.

The survey found that out of the total journalists who responded, 87.6% access the internet daily. Of those respondents who access the internet daily, 80.5% do so from offices, and about 51.3% of the respondents also access the net from their homes and 12.6% from mobile devices.

More than two-thirds of the respondents use social networks for their professional work to communicate and seek and exchange information. About 71.2% of the respondents use social networks to communicate and 65.2% to seek new information. A little more than 55% of the respondents use it for exchanging and gathering information. About 37% of the respondents use it for research and similar number it for networking.

The survey, conducted during 16 April, 2012 to 15 May 2012, yielded a total of 1119 FNJ member respondents out of which, 1079 (96.4%) had completed the questionnaire and/or provided meaningfully valid responses.

Key findings highlighted in the report:
1. FNJ members use social media not only for communication but also for generating and making their news stories better through research and information verification by using social media.
2. Members from the age group of 20-29 years of age embraced social media and used it most extensively for professional as well as personal advancement. This group has been using the social media for the longest duration of the time and utilizes the platforms better.
3. The majority perceive social media to be one of the best ways to reach their audience as well as their colleagues.
4. While majority use social networking sites such as Facebook, they do not use blogs, tools like Twitter to promote their stories and hold discussions.
5. The respondents who have been using social media for various lengths of time would still like to improve capacity to make a greater online impact.

The survey was conducted by FNJ, with support from Internews, and international grassroots NGO.

Another report (Journalist and Social Media: 2011 National Survey on Nepali Journalists) on the survey of journalists' use of social media was released in the second week of June, 2012. The survey, conducted between February 21 to May 31, 2011 by the Center for Media Research Nepal (CMR-N), found that Facebook is by far the most popular social networking site among journalists, with nearly 97 per cent of journalists using it. The second most popular social networking site among journalists is Hi5 with 14.1 per cent usage followed by LinkedIn (8.3 per cent), Orkut (5.7 %) and MySpace (4.7 per cent).

A total of 259 journalists participated in the survey, of which only 192 valid responses were included in the analysis.

In terms of email preferences, Google's Gmail was found to be the most popular service used by journalists in Nepal. Nine out of 10 journalists have an account on Gmail while Yahoo's Mail is second favorite with 44.3 per cent journalists using it followed by Microsoft's Hotmail (30.2 per cent).

The report says blogging is a popular activity for Nepali journalists. Nearly half of the journalists, 45.3 per cent, maintain their own blog. Some, 6.8 per cent of journalists, write for other's blog. More than half of the journalists in print media, 52 per cent, write blog followed by radio journalists, 41 per cent of whom write blogs. Among television journalists, 39.5 per cent write blog whereas journalists working for online news websites and news agencies blog less. Only 35.7 per cent of online journalists and 33.3 per cent of news agency journalists write blogs.

According to the report, Nepali journalists are also increasingly micro blogging Twitter and YouTube is almost equally popular among journalists. While nearly 40 per cent of journalist use microblogging service Twitter to share information; 38 per cent of them use video-sharing site, YouTube, mostly for viewing purpose only. Very few use Tumblr, another microblogging service.

For more details on this survey, see the full report here.

###

First, media must diversify their news content. They must do more than just focus only on political statements and analysis. Today, we see too much monotony in content and presentation. Competing media outlets almost always publish the same thing, presented in the same manner. Their bold-faced headlines differ only by slight modification. I am not saying this just out of impulse.

I make observations in this article as an ordinary reader and hope there are many people who share my ideas about our media.

A few days ago, I took the time and garnered the patience to review seven of our major daily newspapers. I found that they cover the same topics much of the time. It felt like they are into wordplay, trying to say the same thing with little or no difference in substance or news angles. For example the major headlines and news on June 6, 2012 in popular newspapers of like The Himalayan Times, Rajdhani, Samacharpatra, Republica, Annapurna Post, Nagarik and The Kathmandu Post concerned the options following the dissolution of Constituent Assembly (CA). However, I found many stories twisting the same message in different ways and sometimes even facts or quotes from the same source on the same topic appeared contradictory.

In The Himalayan Times, the Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal "Prachanda", in an analogy, compared the current political mess with the sunken Titanic and the political situation with the singing and dancing of the people above the sunken ship. In another national daily, Annapurna post of the same day Prachanda was quoted as saying that Nepal is in a situation just before an accident. Thus, in these two newspapers the same person's message was printed in different ways. What do the readers make out of such contradictory statements by the same person? Did he actually say two different things or the newspapers misrepresented his quotes?

Diversity of content is not the same as varying or distorting the quotes. Had the newspapers offered diversity in terms of topics, genre, presentation, the coverage would have been more informative and people would have a wider choice than reading the same news in different newspapers. For instance, there are not many newspapers in general which are popular for their specific beats like sports, technology, and literature and so on. If one newspaper is specializing in the news of one subject like sports and another newspaper specializing in another subject like politics then each newspaper could have their own identity or niche. In other words, more options for the readers.

Of course, we already have some newspapers in the country making some efforts to specialize by publishing special sections or supplements. However, the headlines appear more or less the same in most of them. They do not look different from others because they don't offer enough unique news. Most of the newspapers give much the same amount of information about news, and it is hard to find one which actually reports details about specific news. For example, most newspapers devote significant newshole for sports news . In each newspaper, we get to read similar news of the major games in the country and out of country. However, there is little and inconsistent coverage of local or national news. For example, my review revealed that our newspapers give little space to Nepali football team. People cannot catch up with the developments in the football game within one locality or club of our country if newspapers do not cover them consistently.

Moreover, news should come with relevant background so that if a novice reader follows news s/he can understand what happened before that event. Without background readers cannot understand the context of the story and it relevance is lost. For instance, the few stories about Nepali football in some dailies focused on the general details like loss-victory, rival teams, Nepal's performance and the match scores, but these reports didn't' bother to insert some background on the match like strength and weakness of the team, the number of games the competing teams played with one another or with others recently. It seems like the dailies are not concerned about the interests of readers following the news. It's the same with the news about international stories like coal mine accidents in china. Articles miss to state whether such accidents occurred in past and what factors were involved in the disasters.

Several of our daily newspapers do not seem to be allocating some level of their priorities other than writing about certain popular figures. For instance, they often present personal life stories of popular political leaders or film stars. Doesn't it also sound interesting to know about common people from remote areas of the country? If news outlets present detailed information about people from different corners of the country and introduce them to the rest of the citizens doing so would serve to connect different people living in different parts of the country, and in sharing their experiences among one another which could be beneficial to the whole country.

Also there are many significant people who have done outstanding works in their areas but are not known to the public because media outlets have not introduced them to us. For instance Sanduk Ruit, a Magsaysay awardee, has helped around one hundred thousand blind people to regain their sight. I believe there must be several other "real" heroes who might be supporting children and senior citizens inside and outside the valley who deserve some news attention. Teachers, social workers or nurses are some of them who work selflessly but they are not recognized for their good deeds, or credited for their philanthropic initiatives.

I feel the media should write more about important things ordinary people have done or achieved rather than reporting only about trivial things the so-called important persons do.

Second, our media must broaden their coverage not only in terms of issues but also on the basis of geography. Mustang and Karnali are some of the most ignored regions in terms of media coverage. The capital-centric reporting that is there must be reviewed and coverage must be diversified. For instance, if media present certain current issues of people from one part of the country then there is a chance of finding the solution from people in other parts of the country who might have undergone similar problems.

Also news should cover the scientific innovations or development of technology in different parts of the world. It will help us to share our ideas and knowledge with different people from different parts of the world. For instance, if we search for the alternative energy resources in different parts of the world and inform the concerned readers they can adopt them in their area, if feasible. We can learn about many great technologies, acquire skills from different part of the world. News outlets should also make efforts to report about technologies developed in our own country or indigenous efforts in innovations and creativity.

Third, most newspapers carry negative news and focus almost always on complaints and problems. Stories rarely report positive developments or offer solutions. Reading such news makes people feel hopeless, discouraged and frustrated.

For instance, right now news about the dissolution of CA or its failure is bombarded in most of the daily newspapers. Newspapers and other media outlets rarely offer positive way of looking at the problem at a time when the nation is in need of hope and optimism to move ahead with confidence. True, the news that revolves around problems and a series of dreadful consequences might sound good for business, but in term of the public role of journalism, that is a wrong assumption. Relevant news is the one that gives its readers hope, courage and psychological support during difficult times like this.

Apart from what I just wrote above, news outlets also should reconsider their professional ethics in order for them to be able to relate to the sentiments of their audience. There are many cases of ethical lapses in the media, such as distortion, sensationalism, and plagiarism. Public trust is declining in the media because many people don't feel any ownership towards media. To enhance the feeling of public ownership media should reflect people's real stories.

In sum, our media today need to reassess their performance. They need to diversify their content in terms of ethnic and gender issues. They should mediate people's real problems with possible ways of resolving them. They should cover stories in context in their entirety rather than just injecting sensational content.

An earlier version of this article described Dr Sanduik Ruit as "CNN hero 2011". We regret the factual error, and it has been fixed.

The writer is based in Kathmandu and maintains interest in writing and literature. ###

The report based on the most recent visit calls for actions on two key areas-- 1) legal and policy reform, and 2) attacks on journalists and the culture of impunity. It makes recommendations on a variety of topics, from constitutional provisions to media policy to right to information, as well as media platforms (print, broadcasting, online) and impunity, physical safety and professional security of journalists.

The following are the recommendations:

Constitution
- The rights to freedom of expression and information should apply to everyone and should cover all information, not just information deemed to be of concern.
- The right to opinion should be absolute.
- The tests for restrictions on the three other rights - to freedom of expression, of the media and to information - should be amended by narrowing the list of grounds which would justify these restrictions and by making the standard more stringent (for example by replacing 'may' by 'would be likely to').
- Consideration should be given to banning all prior censorship of the media.

Media policy
- The drafting process should be restarted and carried out in a manner that ensures a broad and inclusive consultation involving all interested stakeholders, with a view to finalizing the policy only after the new Constitution has been ratified.
- All key areas should be covered in the policy.
- The policy should support and encourage the development of a pluralistic, inclusive media that provides a platform for democratic discourse and supports Nepal's peace building process.

Right to information
- The government should withdraw the directive listing types of information that are exempt from the Right to Information Act and establish an inclusive committee to create a new list in line with international standards.
- The government should also take steps to reduce the level of turnover of senior staff at the National Information Commission.

Print media
- Establish an independent authority in charge of distributing government funded advertising to newspapers in a fair manner.
- Amend the Press and Publications Act to ensure it respects international principles on press freedom, in particular by abolishing any licensing requirement for newspapers.
- Repeal the Press Council Act of 1992 and allow the creation of an independent, non-statutory press council under the sole responsibility of media professionals, or other self-regulatory systems of media accountability.
- Ensure transparency in media ownership structures.

Broadcasting
- An independent body should be established and given the power to exercise regulatory powers in the broadcasting sector, instead of having the government undertake this role.
- Broadcast licensing rules need to reflect both in spirit and letter, the principles of a three tiered media structure - public, private and community - with frequencies reserved for each tier of broadcasting.
- Licensing rules should be appropriate to the different needs of each type of broadcaster, and non-profit community broadcasters should benefit from simple licensing procedures and preferential fee structures.
- The State broadcasters should be transformed into independent public service broadcasters.

Internet freedoms
- A free and open Internet is an integral part of democratic space in Nepal and the government should not seek to filter or censor the space.
- The Internet should be uncensored and the burden of proof on what constitutes "unmoral" content should lie with the government.
- There should be transparent legal mechanisms and written notifications for all data requests by government agencies. The government should consider developing a data protection law, which can ensure protection of such information.

Impunity
- End all forms of impunity for killers of journalists and ensure that all cases are resolved, and all guilty parties are punished in accordance with the law.
- Enact and enforce a witness protection law to enable witnesses to make statements without fear.
- Publish all available information related to the four most recent murders of journalists.
- Allow journalist murder investigations to proceed without political intervention.
- Make investigations into journalist murders distinct from the peace process.
Killing journalists in reprisal for their work is not a political crime under the terms of the November 2006 CPA.
- Detain and prosecute the masterminds who ordered the killing of Uma Singh and Birendra Sah.

Physical safety
- End impunity for attacks on journalists. Ensure that all cases are resolved, and the guilty are punished in accordance with the law.
- Ensure immediate actions by local police when journalists are attacked.
- Detain and prosecute the key actor in the June 2011 attack on Khilanath Dhakal, who continues to evade accountability on account of his political connections.
- Authorities must fully investigate threats against journalists and establish a protection mechanism.
- Media organizations should take full responsibility to care for victims of attacks in terms of initiating preventive measures, providing insurance cover, and medical coverage.

Professional security
- Media organizations and journalists need to abide by the ethical guidelines and professional practice of journalism.
- Implement the WJA fully and unconditionally across all media, and particularly the government media as committed to by the prime minister.
- Formulate and enforce a fair government advertising policy for leveling the playing field for private and state-run media.
- Create and enforce mechanisms for clear and transparent investments in media. Where media owners have potentially conflicting business interests, these should be stated in all relevant contexts.

The text of the report can be downloaded here (PDF version).

###

Photo © Gerhard Schoenhofer/Nepal Monitor

You've lived and worked for several years in the former Soviet Union. It would be interesting to hear about your early experiences.
Yes, I was living there for 14 years. I was 19 years old when I went to the Soviet Union. When I left Nepal, I could get information only through radio and newspapers. Since my family does not come from any scientific background, I decided to be a journalist, inspired by my father. Back then I studied in Padma Kanya College. I completed my certificate level and went to study to Russia in 1981.

As my father had encouraged me to do so, I went to a foreign language institute to study French, Spanish, German as well as some other languages. This is how I happened to learn the Russian language and got the chance to go there through the cultural center. It was not my primary interest. I don't belong to any political party. I am a creative and innovative person. I believe that ideas bring change in this world. I was that kind of person since my childhood. Once I went to Russia it was a great challenge for me, but I found many other Nepali friends there, so at least I was not alone. Before going to Russia I saw many of my friends going there. I asked myself: 'Why can't I be going to Russia?' I wrote a long letter to the director of the Russian cultural center telling him that I was aiming to be an expert in Russian literature after my return from the Soviet Union, all the while knowing that my primary interest was journalism. But once I was in Russia, it took me one year to switch to journalism, whereas all my Nepali friends who joined the state party changed their subject within a week or maybe a month. I worked at Radio Moscow and at a newspaper there. I published the organ of Nepali students studying in Moscow and wallpapers as well. These activities were all reported to the authorities. The only thing which let me go ahead was probably that I stood first in every semester and in most of the competitions organized by the university.

So you didn't face any problems with censorship in the Soviet Union?
I didn't face censorship problem because I was always busy and creative, thinking about what to do next. I was neither involved in party issues, nor in anti-party matters. If this country was inviting me to study there, why should I have to be against it?

You are an opportunist, right?
They were offering me a scholarship and the chance to see their country, why should I be against it. My neutrality, like I have it here in Nepal, was always something special. Equal to all, everybody should have their own political views. But in the former Soviet Union everything was restricted. None of us had the right to criticize the government; there were no means of private media. It was monotonous.

How were you able to communicate with the other Nepali students?
We were all in the same university, 160 Nepalis! We were invited by our embassy to celebrate Nepali festivals together. And besides that, every six months or so, the Soviet Union took us to a vacation to different places in the country. Of course, they had the mission to advertise Soviet socialism. But still we were paid a monthly allowance which was enough for us to survive. I travelled to nearly 25 countries in the world during my stay in Soviet Union. They usually didn't allow students to travel to the West, therefore we only received visa with great difficulties

Why did you decide to start your own college?
When I came back to Nepal I was unknown to everybody and although I wrote a PhD in Nepali journalism I did not get any suitable job. The college we started became the first one to offer a Master's program in Mass Communication in Nepal. Before us there was only one Government College running the Bachelor's degree for 22 years, and they did not feel the necessity to revise that course even once. How easy can it be for the teachers to teach the same courses every year? They don't have to prepare new handouts, study new books or consult any new materials. As a consequence, whatever you teach is accepted. The second thing is that they are engaging themselves in many INGOs and NGOs. For example, 'updated' teachers or faculty member from the UK or somewhere meant a threat to them. The students who join our college are mostly from private and well- known schools. They can debate with the teachers and interact independently.

How many graduates have the College of Journalism and Mass Communication produced so far?
The CJMC has unleashed about 400 students as human resource in the media market of Nepal. At the moment, there are 90 students enrolled in all levels. Most of them are already working as mainstream journalists and many of them are involved in different INGOs and NGOs. Please visit our website for further information.

In the course of my research I've heard the term 'corrupt' in connection with journalism education in Nepal. There are references such as 'structures are not changing, the power relation always remain the same..'.
Exactly! The problem of corruption is everywhere and not only in journalism. It is invisible. They didn't' want newcomers interfering with the existing power relations. By that time there were simply no PhD holders in journalism in Nepal. So I did not get any chance to be enrolled in the only government college to teach journalism, which was the U-turn in my life in order to start this college.

Do you think these difficulties arose because you are a woman?
No, not at all. It had nothing to do with me being a female. Professor P. Kharel encouraged me; he was one of the senior faculty members in the department. Nobody wanted me to start this college. People were calling me a mad lady who dared to start a college with no money. 'If you don't dream you will not do it'- Disney said that. I like his idea because I am also a dreamer.

I had only got the college registered without having any affiliation with a university. After downloading several international syllabi, I had a certain idea about what kind of media education should be provided in Nepal. Then I applied for an affiliation at a university. The Vice Chancellor said: 'What do you have?' He was referring to logistics and infrastructure. I said: 'Well, if you approve my ideas I will do it.' He said: 'You don't have anything. How can you do it?' 'Please, give me your approval and I will do it.'

And then they had a gathering. It's something very romantic now to think back at that time. Simultaneously, other colleges also held discussions to offer Master's programs. It caused a shock that somebody coming from Russia was going to set up a college in mass communication. The senior journalists formed a group and thought of starting a college somewhere else teaming up with a technical college. The VC joked: 'Manju, if you will be unsuccessful you have to go to prison!' I said: 'Sir, I'm ready to go to prison, and I know that if things go wrong, my two children are going to end up in an orphan house. I have nobody to take care of them, my husband is in Dubai, my loving brother is in London, my husband's family does not look after me, and my father does not want any contact with me. If I go to prison that means my children will go to the orphan house. But I'm determined to start a college.'

No risk no fun.
I say: No risk no gain. They asked me: 'How do you think that you will be able to run this college?' I said: 'I have no money, that is true.' But it is not only money that makes things happen. Finally, the VC answered: 'Ok, we will give you the affiliation.' I was approaching them for the last six to seven months. I got this affiliation for exactly five things: Determination, commitment, sincerity, my education and my family background. Immediately, I started contacting embassies for a scholarship. The embassy of Denmark in Nepal donated two scholarships and we got the money for two students at a time.

You could make good investments, right?
Yes, due to the scholarships provided by the Danish embassy I hired a flat with three rooms and bought five computers. I told the landlord that once I would get the admission fees from my students I would make the monthly payments. But unfortunately, landlord's partner did not want me to stay, so I was kindly asked to leave the rented flat. I was so disappointed that day and under big pressure, I could not sleep during the night. Fortunately, somebody else offered me a flat in a school. Finally, I had a regular place where I managed my office. In the same year the college got study materials from the Asia Foundation, the American Center and UNESCO also donated some books. I had to have patience. That's how I managed to initiate the Master's in mass communication and journalism before everybody did.

It was the first course like this in Kathmandu?
Yes, CJMC became the pioneer to start a Master's in Mass Communication in Journalism followed by other colleges and in the second year, it started Bachelor's and in the third year we were able to launch Master's in development communication. We became entrepreneurs with our new BA and MA programs and later established the college FM-radio station which we are running nowadays. The CJMC is a team, I believe in teamwork headed by one-person leadership. I will talk everything through with my team, I'll accept any feedback from them, and if I think that it is valuable, I'll apply it. I don't want to run +2 as it is not part of my dream. My dream is to establish an internationally recognized media college in Nepal. On behalf of the CJMC I approached the American centre many times requesting them to support us with international experts from the USA in order to teach in our college, but disappointingly, for the last 10 years, they have not paid attention to my requests. If the USA is a democratic country they should listen to these matters. At least, they call themselves the biggest spokesperson of democracy. If I was only educated in the US, the UK or Canada! Even though I'm not a communist, I am considered to be the product of Russia. I approached the Norwegian embassy in the same way. I spoke by heart: 'Why don't you support me?' This led me to the Norwegian partnership.

I would love to hear about the philosophy that guides your teaching today. What do you want to give the next generation of Nepali journalists on their way?
If you can dream, you can do it! The other philosophy which guides me is to do challenging and unique works that people often do not attempt to do. I am determined to abolish the old school of journalism in Nepal with the help of international partnerships in order to introduce a new area of media education in the country by establishing a university of mass communication for all South Asians.

So that's also what you try to impart to your students, I guess.
Yes, exactly!

Exchange is an essential part of the program that you offer to your students?
In the Bachelor's program we included subjects like human rights and democracy, conflict management and peace building, security and media organization. Tomorrow's media persons should know how to deal with army and police, regional conflicts as well as English literature. This course was designed by experts under the initiation of the CJMC. I shared it with my team, and they were always supporting it. For the Master's program in development communication I invited experts from several universities, from the UK, and some of the media professors here in Kathmandu. We are offering something new which nobody here in the media market offers.

Usually, mainstream journalists come to study at CJMC. Most of them here in the market that you may meet are the products of this college. We have international partners in Zambia, Uganda, Tanzania, Ethiopia, Kenya, in Oslo such as the University of Life Sciences and the Oslo University College. In Asia, our parterres include the Communication University of China, the Dhaka University in Bangladesh as well as the Lahore University in Pakistan. We sent 32 students abroad. I doubt that any private media college has sent so many students abroad. We sent two students to the Communication University of China. The Chinese embassy managed somehow to give two scholarships for the college, although I had not approached them.

Our college is called College of Mass Communication and Journalism and they run the University of Communication of China. Maybe the name triggered something. One scholarship was given by the Pakistani embassy, so one of my students started his Master's in Lahore and returned back. I sent one student in 2001 for a month to Germany with an institute in Northern Germany. I sent 40 students to India under the SAARC exchange program for a ten-day tour, offered by the Indian embassy. I sent 13 students to Bangladesh under a Norwegian scholarship. But my hands are tied up. I cannot implement any new things in the syllabi. Under the existing affiliation I do not want to run any other media subjects. I proposed to the university in Northern Germany to run a joint Master's in photography and videography. My intention is to expand this college at the international level. Under the foreign affiliation, we will be able to launch various new multimedia subjects such as computer animation or courses about western media and how these work.

You seem to have a lot of ideas in your mind. How would you realize them?
That's why I've told you a lot of the things in order to promote them publicly, to go international and to make this college become the college I dream about. It is just the idea that has to be implemented. CJMC is internationally renowned and recognized; it has more than 12 partners. I want to see my students editing a monthly newspaper, making documentaries or participating in the South Asian film festival. As I mentioned, I proposed to my German partners to start a Master's in photography and videography. First, it will be like a landmark in Asia. I went through many websites of media colleges and none is focusing on a degree in this area. Second, geographically, Nepal is the best place for all the neighboring countries. Visitors from India, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and Afghanistan can easily get visas to Nepal. Such an international program can only be started with certain difficulties in India, because even if Nepalis do not need visa for India, for other nationalities in the region, it is difficult. There are conflicts all over the region. Nepal can be the best platform to announce international admission and the students in the neighboring countries can contribute to a project together. As a consequence, the students will understand the real value of media. Third, I will move to a bigger building where I can attract these students from the neighboring countries because I will have funding by that time. Fourth, if you speak about women empowerment, why does nobody support it? Benefit for both is the motto, one way benefit doesn't work. Internationals can put their effort along with my students such as going to field reporting and taking real pictures with professional cameras for organized photo exhibitions in Kathmandu, Afghanistan, and even Germany. Scholars will come to make a research documentary along with my students. This is what I dream about.

Talking about journalistic practices in Nepal, how would you rate the credibility of the country's media in general?
Credibility of Nepali media ... well, this question is a bit complicated for me. I trust Nepali media because I am informed through various channels. You get different versions stories same issue in different Nepali media. If we speak about the term credibility I want to say that Nepali media is doing its best to give information to the people but regarding credibility again, there are many kinds of misinformation, misinterpretations and manipulations from political parties and businesses. Additionally, each media house is also driven by their self-interests. So, in the present situation, unfortunately, I cannot say that Nepali media is 100% credible.

How would you define the relationship between media educators, like your college here, and the media industry in Nepal?
Ten years ago, we had the predominant attitude in this country that anybody could become a journalist. But after CJMC got started, it became obvious that in journalism we also need higher educational standards. What this relation looks like now is that all media educators and most of the media persons, who are degree holders of different colleges in mass communication and journalism, are related to media industries. They are working in many media houses such as Kantipur TV, ABC or Sagarmatha TV. There was the need for promotion, better qualification, learning and writing. The media industry started realizing that media education is necessary for working media persons. All the media houses want qualified people. Those people who work in different media houses, publications, channels and FM radio stations started giving priority to those journalists who have an education in media. It became a mutual support. If you don't have a degree in mass communication and journalism, but your colleague has one, he or she is likely to get promotion before you. A deeper link has developed between those two poles, education and media industry. We also need to be educated in this field, not only experts, because a journalist's pen can kill 1000s of people through wrong information and misinterpretation (which we can say happened during the conflict in our country a few years back), but a doctor may kill only 1% of his patients.

I found out that you are the chairperson of the Women's Journalist Association in Nepal. What is it that female journalists can accomplish that male ones can't? What are the advantages or disadvantages of being a female journalist?
I'm against feminism. All the feminist activists, at least most of them here in my country working in the name of gender, have married a man who already had a wife and children. Women in Nepal can never work together, I have never witnessed that. It only works maybe for a few years. Men and women can work together, if I had in this college only female faculty members, this college would never have come so far. It would have vanished years ago. A woman cannot see another woman being a vice principal and director for ten years. Maybe men can also work together, but for sure not women.

I was thinking about this issue especially in connection to journalism. What can female journalists do that male ones can't?
I feel that female journalists can accomplish everything. If anybody claims that media houses do not give priority to female journalists, I don't have anything to say. A media house cannot ignore highly educated female applicants. I am supported by men who are very sincere, earnest and dedicated. They all do whatever I request them to do for the sake of the college. If I ask them to approach the communication ministry for the expansion of the FM radio, they are with me. But none of the females would have ever been with me in such a way. I am not worth supporting just because I am a woman or I am doing good things. In the Bachelor's level here in the CJMC, we have more female students than male ones. In the Master's program it's almost 50-50. CJMC gave scholarships to two female students, so we are gender balanced; we are not giving scholarships to men, but to women in order to encourage female journalism. All the rest about gender and women empowerment you should discuss with somebody else, that is not my part.

How do you relate to new media, social media etc.? In what ways do you use Twitter, LinkedIn or Facebook personally as well as to promote your college?
Social media has been very effective these days in Nepal. But I personally don't involve myself so much in them. In the morning I mail my international partners in a fresh mood if I have any good news. I simply try to inform them, for example about the Africa film festival that we are conducting in June. During the same time, I logon to Facebook. I go through it once and accept if there are some friend requests or comments but I don't use it a lot. It is just because I have no time to chat and to involve in all these things.

Ok, perfect, I think we're done with my questions!
Oh, I want to tell something about my mission. The mission of my life is to establish a university of mass communication in Nepal. Unless I establish such a university in Nepal, I'm not able to bring a drastic change in journalism education in this country. So, to end the old schooling of journalism education here, I am trying my best to establish a separate university where I will start a new era in journalism education in our country.

Related websies:
> http://www.cjmc.edu.np/
> http://www.nepalafricafilmfestival.org
> http://www.jfn.com.np
> http://www.cjmcfm.com.np

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Nepal's ranking has gone up eleven places in the world, 128 in 2010 to 117 in 2011.

Freedom House says that in Nepal, the score improved from 59 points in 2010 to 55 points in 2011 thanks in part to better access to information and a decline in censorship. The report notes that there were no journalists killed during the year, and fewer restrictions on the production and distribution of news.

The overview essay by FH observes: India suffered a two-point decline in 2011 because of a worrying attempt to extend content controls over the internet and the murder of a senior newspaper editor in Mumbai, among other problems. The score for Pakistan also declined by two points, as threats against the press from a variety of actors reached unprecedented levels. CPJ now considers Pakistan to be the deadliest country in the world for reporters. As a result of this danger, self-censorship has increased, particularly on sensitive topics like blasphemy laws and the role and reach of the security forces.

Regional rankings, from worst to better, for 2011 are as follows (those in brackets are for 2010):
161 (156) Sri Lanka - Not Free
144 (134) Pakistan - Not Free
127 (124) Bhutan - Partly Free
117 (128) Nepal - Partly Free
111 (112) Bangladesh - Partly Free
107 (102) The Maldives - Partly Free
80 (77) India - Partly Free

The 10 top ranking countries are Finland/Norway/Sweden, Belgium, Denmark/Luxembourg/Netherlands/Switzerland, Andorra, and Iceland/Liechtenstein, in that order.

> To read the full report, go here.
> For 2011 report, click here.

###

At that date overall teledensity (fixed and mobile) stood at 60.34% (up from 56.46%), according to the NTA's latest MIS report, as fixed lines reached 849,786 (including 222,798 WiLL lines), compared to 845,542 and 227,116 lines respectively at mid-December.

Nepal Telecom (NT) added a net 249,054 mobile subscribers in the the months to mid-March to boost its total to 6.751 million (including 848,944 CDMA users), while fellow GSM provider Ncell reported 7.463 million connections, having added the single largest net gain - or 611,510 users - in the three months under review.

Meanwhile, the country's smaller players fared less well in terms of subscriber growth. United Telecom Limited reached 613,801 customers from 591,511 previously, Nepal Satellite Telecom upped its total from 111,905 to 146,319, Smart Telecom had 311,227 users, up from 203,040 at mid-December, and STM had 5,336 (5,263).

At the same date the NTA said the total number of data and internet subscribers stood at 4.437 million, up from 3.873 million three months earlier, with the overwhelming majority (over 4.106 million) arising from GPRS mobile internet connections. The number of ADSL connections topped 81,661 for NT, with cable modem, CDMA 1x and other (wireless, fibre-optic) reaching 17,036, 180,958 and 32,279 respectively.

> See the report here.
> Earlier Management Information System reports by NTA.

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Here are top-ranking 12 countries with unsolved cases:

------------------------------------------------------------------------
1. Iraq: 93 unsolved cases
2. Somalia: 11 unsolved cases
3. Philippines: 55 unsolved cases
4. Sri Lanka: 9 unsolved cases
5. Colombia: 8 unsolved cases
6. Nepal: 5 unsolved cases
7. Afghanistan: 5 unsolved cases
8. Mexico: 15 unsolved cases
9. Russia: 16 unsolved cases
10. Pakistan: 19 unsolved cases
11. Brazil: 5 unsolved cases
12. India: 6 unsolved cases
------------------------------------------------------------------------

Last year Nepal ranked 7th in the idex.

There has been some notable success in Nepal in two cases of journalists' killings, however, weak law enforcement and a culture of political protection creates the climate of impunity, says the CPJ Impunity Idex.

The following is the report by CPJ:

Getting Away With Murder

CPJ's 2012 Impunity Index spotlights countries where journalists are slain and killers go free

Published April 17, 2012
NEW YORK
Deadly, unpunished violence against the press rose sharply in Pakistan and Mexico, continuing a dark, years-long trend in both nations, the Committee to Protect Journalists has found in its newly updated Impunity Index. The global index, which calculates unsolved journalist murders as a percentage of each country's population, shows that Pakistani authorities routinely fail to bring prosecutions in journalist murders, including several with suspected government links, while Mexican officials are yet to effectively combat the murderous crime groups targeting news media in vast parts of the nation.

"Impunity is the oxygen for attacks against the press and the engine of those who seek to silence the media," said Javier Garza, deputy editor of the Mexican daily El Siglo de Torreón. Gunmen have attacked his newspaper's Coahuila offices twice in the past four years and, though fatalities were avoided, no one has been arrested either. "These attacks made it clear to us that we can't trust the authorities for protection."

CPJ's index found improving conditions in Colombia and Nepal, along with a long-term decline in deadly, anti-press violence in Bangladesh that caused that country to drop off the list entirely. But the four worst nations in combating journalist murders--Iraq, Somalia, the Philippines, and Sri Lanka--showed virtually no sign of progress.

The release of CPJ's index follows two significant international developments that take the fight against impunity in markedly different directions. In March, the Mexican Senate approved a constitutional amendment that, if adopted by the states, will federalize anti-press crimes and place national authorities in charge of such investigations, steps seen as crucial in fighting impunity in that country. But the same month, UNESCO's 28th biennial session failed to endorse a plan to strengthen international efforts to fight impunity after the proposal drew objections from Pakistan and two other member nations--India and Brazil--that have high rates of deadly, anti-press violence. The U.N. plan--which could still move forward despite the setback--would strengthen the office of the special rapporteur for free expression and assist member states in developing national laws to prosecute the killers of journalists.

In Mexico, coverage of rampant crime has been silenced in many regions as cartels and corrupt officials threaten and attack police reporters.

CPJ's annual Impunity Index, first published in 2008, identifies countries where journalists are murdered regularly and governments fail to solve the crimes. For this latest index, CPJ examined journalist murders that occurred from January 1, 2002, through December 31, 2011, and that remain unsolved. Only the 12 nations in the world with five or more unsolved cases are included on the index. Cases are considered unsolved when no convictions have been won.
Iraq ranked worst on CPJ's Impunity Index for the fifth consecutive year and, with more than 90 unsolved murders, its impunity rating dwarfs that of every other nation. Most of the murders occurred as Iraq was immersed in war, but even now, as authorities claim stability, they have failed to bring justice in a single case. Somalia, gripped by insurgency and crippled by the lack of an effective central government, ranks second worst with 11 unsolved murders. In Sri Lanka, ranked fourth worst, authorities have failed to win convictions in the murders of nine journalists--all of whom reported critically about President Mahinda Rajapaksa's administration. Amid these conflict-ridden nations is a much different place, the Philippines, which is ranked third worst. Despite the Philippines' tradition of press freedom, the country's dysfunctional and corrupt criminal justice system has failed to bring justice in 55 journalist murders in the past decade.

Several countries' ratings remained largely static, underscoring how entrenched the culture of impunity can be. While Russian authorities have made modest progress in recent years in investigating journalist murders, the death toll grew in December 2011 with the murder in Dagestan of editor Gadzhimurad Kamalov, whose newspaper probed corruption, extremism, and human rights abuses. Brazil has seen a similar pattern: Even though prosecutors have won convictions in at least five cases over the last decade, recent journalist murders have kept the country on the index. Conversely, Afghanistan has made no progress in prosecuting journalist murders, but a slowdown in targeted killings caused its rating to improve slightly. The impunity rating for India, where successful prosecutions are rare, was virtually unchanged.

Not so in Pakistan, where the impunity rating worsened for the fourth straight year. Pakistani journalists face myriad threats "from murderous Taliban, violent sectarian parties, and intolerant religious and ethnic groups," said Najam Sethi, prominent editor of The Friday Times of Lahore, who himself faced such severe threats that he had to leave the country for a time. In addition, Sethi said, the powerful Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate "has shown unmistaken hostility toward journalists critical of the military's actions." Among the recent Pakistani victims was investigative reporter Saleem Shahzad, who was slain in 2011 after reporting on Al-Qaeda infiltration in Pakistan's navy.

Pakistani reporter Saleem Shahzad was murdered after reporting that Al-Qaeda was behind this May 2011 attack on a Karachi naval base.

CPJ research shows that deadly, unpunished violence against journalists often leads to vast self-censorship in the rest of the press corps. Nowhere is that more apparent than in Mexico, where unsolved journalist murders grew for the third consecutive year. Fear of retaliation has driven some journalists to report crime news under pseudonyms on social media websites. But even those sites do not provide refuge: In September 2011, the decapitated body of Maria Elizabeth Macías Castro, a Mexican journalist who used social media to report crime news, was found alongside a computer keyboard and a note from a crime group claiming responsibility.

In addition to legislation federalizing crimes against the press, Mexico has undertaken other anti-impunity efforts such as the establishment of a journalist protection program modeled on an initiative undertaken in Colombia. Colombia, historically one of the world's deadliest countries for the press, has seen evidence of an improving climate in the past several years.

"The fight to end impunity in crimes against the press is a long and complicated struggle that has involved many actors, including journalists, press freedom groups, and, obviously, the government," said María Teresa Ronderos, a veteran Colombian journalist who now serves on CPJ's board of directors. She noted a number of successful prosecutions of journalists' killers, including the masterminds in some cases. "And this is a positive development. But there is still a lot of work to do because the majority of the cases remain unsolved. While lethal violence has receded, the number of threats has escalated and the investigations into these threats have gone nowhere."

Nepal, buoyed by convictions of suspects in two cases, also saw its impunity rating improve in the 2012 index. And for the first time since CPJ launched the index, Bangladesh is not listed. While no convictions have been recorded in journalist murders there over the last decade, a seven-year absence of journalist killings led Bangladesh to be dropped from the index.

Among the other findings in CPJ's Impunity Index:
• Local journalists are the victims in the vast majority of unsolved cases. Only 13 of the 247 cases on the index involved journalists working outside their own country.
• Political reporting was the most dangerous beat. Thirty percent of the victims included on CPJ's index covered political news.
• Even in conflict zones, the targeted killing of journalists is common. About 28 percent of journalists on the index were covering armed conflict when they were murdered.
• Threats are a strong indicator of potential deadly violence. In more than 40 percent of cases reviewed for the index, victims received death threats prior to their murders.
• Killers often try to send a chilling message to the rest of the press corps. In one out of five cases in the index, the victims were tortured before being killed.

For a detailed explanation of CPJ's methodology, click here.

CPJ's Impunity Index is compiled as part of the organization's Global Campaign Against Impunity, which is supported by the Adessium Foundation, the John S. and James L. Knight Foundation, the Omidyar Network, and the Open Society Foundations.

The Index
Here are the 12 countries where at least five journalists have been murdered and governments have failed to convict a single perpetrator. The index covers the years 2002-2011.

1 IRAQ
No convictions have been obtained in 93 journalist slayings in the past decade. The pace of deadly violence has slowed since 2006 and 2007, when dozens of murders were reported amid sectarian violence, but journalists continue to be targets even now. In 2011, gunmen killed radio host and filmmaker Hadi al-Mahdi in his home in Baghdad. After returning home in 2008 after 18 years in exile, al-Mahdi denounced sectarianism and government corruption. He had been threatened in the months before his murder.

Impunity Index Rating: 2.906 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants

Last year: Ranked 1st with a rating of 2.921

2 SOMALIA
With 11 unsolved murders, Somalia ranks second for the third year in a row. The Somali press corps has faced an onslaught of attacks, most coming from Al-Shabaab militants. But transitional government forces have also menaced Somali journalists. In 2011, after covering a fractious session of the Transitional Federal Parliament, broadcast journalist Abdisalan Sheikh Hassan was shot in the head by a gunman wearing a military uniform. Unchecked violence against the media has forced at least 68 journalists to flee the Horn of Africa nation over the past decade.
Impunity Index Rating: 1.183 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants

Last year: Ranked 2nd with a rating of 1.099

3 PHILIPPINES
Even after the horrific 2009 massacre in Maguindanao province that claimed the lives of 30 journalists and more than 20 other victims, Philippine authorities have yet to effectively combat impunity. The prosecution of dozens of politically connected suspects in the Maguindanao attack has been marked by delays and marred by allegations of bribery and witness intimidation. The overall death toll grew yet again in 2011 when a gunman shot Gerardo Ortega, a well-known journalist who covered environmental issues and corruption, in a clothing store. In March 2012, a local court issued an arrest warrant for Joel Reyes, a former governor of Palawan province, on charges of ordering Ortega's murder.
Impunity Index Rating: 0.589 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants

Last year: Ranked 3rd with a rating of 0.609

4 SRI LANKA
The government of Mahinda Rajapaksa has failed to prosecute any perpetrators in the nine murders that have taken place during his time in power, first as prime minister and then president. All of the victims had reported on politically sensitive issues in ways that were critical of the government. In 2006, for example, Tamil reporter Subramaniyam Sugitharajah was slain weeks after he reported on the killing of five Tamil students. Sugitharajah's photographs revealed the students died of gunshot wounds--contradicting military accounts that they were killed by their own grenade. In recent months, government officials have issued brazen public threats of violence against their critics, an alarming development given that 60 percent of Sri Lankan victims were known to have received threats before they were killed.

Impunity Index Rating: 0.431 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants

Last year: Ranked 4th with a rating of 0.443

5 COLOMBIA
As prosecutors have won a handful of convictions and the pace of journalist killings has slowed, Colombia's impunity rating has improved each year since 2008. But the nation's ranking remains unacceptably high, a legacy of its deadly past and its continued shortcomings in prosecuting open cases. At least eight journalist murders in the last decade remain unsolved. Among them is the case of Guillermo Bravo Vega, an award-winning investigative journalist who had exposed government corruption. Nine years after a gunman broke into Bravo's home and shot him in the head, the case remains unsolved.

Impunity Index Rating: 0.173 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants

Last year: Ranked 5th with a rating of 0.241

6 NEPAL
Weak law enforcement and a culture of political protection created the climate of impunity in Nepal, where five journalist murders remain unsolved. Maoist leaders, for example, have tried to block an investigation into the 2007 abduction and killing of journalist Prakash Singh Thakuri. Even after the Supreme Court ordered the Thakuri probe to go forward, authorities have produced no results. Nepal did achieve some notable success in two other cases, however. In 2011, two suspects were convicted in the killing two years earlier of Uma Singh, who had reported on sensitive issues such as women's rights and communal violence.

Impunity Index Rating: 0.167 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants

Last year: Ranked 7th with a rating of 0.205

7 AFGHANISTAN
Afghanistan's rating has remained largely static. While there have been no convictions in five journalist murders over the last decade, neither have there been any targeted killings since 2008. Among the unsolved cases is the 2006 murder of Zakia Zaki, founder of an independent radio station in Parwan province. The station was known for its coverage of local politics, women's issues, and human rights.
Impunity Index Rating: 0.145 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants

Last year: Ranked 6th with a rating of 0.235

8 MEXICO
A banner seeks justice for photographer Luis Carlos Santiago, whose case is among 11 unsolved murders over the past decade. (Reuters/Tomas Bravo)

The web of drug trafficking, crime, and official corruption that has fueled violence in large portions of the country has also had a devastating effect on the press. At least 15 journalist murders have gone unsolved in the past decade. But with 11 journalists reported missing during the period, and numerous others killed under unclear circumstances, Mexico's record is probably much worse. Vast self-censorship has taken hold as a result, prompting numerous news outlets to abandon coverage of crime and corruption. Gun battles in the streets of large cities such as Reynosa have gone uncovered, CPJ research shows. Journalists and citizens have turned to social media to exchange news of criminal activities--only to find peril there as well. The 2011 murder of Nuevo Laredo reporter Maria Elizabeth Macías Castro was the first case documented by CPJ worldwide in which a person was killed in direct relation to reporting done on social media.

Impunity Index Rating: 0.132 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants

Last year: Ranked 8th with a rating of 0.121

9 RUSSIA
Russia's rating is unchanged, with 16 unsolved murder cases. The most recent victim was Gadzhimurad Kamalov, founder of the independent Dagestani weekly Chernovik, who was gunned down while leaving work in December 2011. The newspaper had received frequent threats for its coverage of government corruption, human rights abuses, and Islamic radicalism. Authorities have made modest progress in some cases: Several suspects were indicted last year in the 2006 killing of Anna Politkovskaya, but authorities have yet to bring the case to trial or identify the mastermind. "The impunity the masterminds enjoy--this is the main part of the mechanism, which breeds new murders," said Sergey Sokolov, deputy editor of Politkovskaya's newspaper, Novaya Gazeta.
Impunity Index Rating: 0.113 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants
Last year: Ranked 9th with a rating of 0.113

10 PAKISTAN
With 19 unsolved cases, Pakistan's rating has worsened considerably in recent years. Intelligence and military officials are suspected to have played a role in a number of cases. In the months before he was murdered, for example, reporter Saleem Shahzad told friends and colleagues he was being threatened by the Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate. But the case, as with others, has not been credibly investigated by the government. After intense domestic and international outcry, Pakistan's government ordered a commission of inquiry into the Shahzad killing--but the resulting report was widely criticized for shying away from an examination of the intelligence service's possible role.

Impunity Index Rating: 0.109 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants

Last year: Ranked 10th with a rating of 0.082

11 BRAZIL
New attacks have set back Brazil's anti-impunity efforts. Courts have sentenced perpetrators in at least five journalist slayings in recent years, with authorities winning convictions of masterminds in at least two cases. But two murders in 2011 underscore the grave, ongoing risks facing provincial journalists who report on corruption, politics, and crime. In 2011, newspaper publisher Edinaldo Filgueira was shot multiple times after running a poll on his blog that reflected dissatisfaction with the local government. Five suspects have been arrested in the case. In all, CPJ research shows five unsolved murders in Brazil in the past decade.

Impunity Index Rating: 0.026 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants

Last year: Ranked 12th with a rating of 0.026

12 INDIA
With six unsolved murders, India retains its place on the index. All of the victims were print journalists who reported on crime, corruption, or politics. Despite India's status as the world's largest democracy and its tradition of having vibrant news media, its leaders have shown little political will to address impunity in attacks on news media. In March, India led opposition to the U.N. journalist safety plan that included anti-impunity efforts.
Impunity Index Rating: 0.005 unsolved journalist murders per million inhabitants

Last year: Ranked 13th with a rating of 0.006

Methodology
CPJ's Impunity Index calculates the number of unsolved journalist murders as a percentage of each country's population. For this index, CPJ examined journalist murders that occurred between January 1, 2002, through December 31, 2011, and that remain unsolved. Only those nations with five or more unsolved cases are included on this index.

CPJ defines murder as a deliberate attack against a specific journalist in relation to the victim's work. Murders make up more than 70 percent of work-related deaths among journalists, according to CPJ research. This index does not include cases of journalists killed in combat or while carrying out dangerous assignments such as coverage of street protests.

Cases are considered unsolved when no convictions have been obtained. Population data from the World Bank's 2010 World Development Indicators were used in calculating each country's rating.

The full report is available here.

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In 2011, the country ranked 131st with a score of 2.97 among 138 countries. A year earlier it ranked 124th with the score of 2.95 among 133 countries. There were 9 countries after Nepal.

Last year, Nepal led 7 countries (Zimbabwe, Angola, Swaziland, Bolivia, Timor-Leste, Burundi, and Chad). This year it led 14 countries with the lowest scores- Syria (2.85), Ethiopia (2.85), Nicaragua (2.84), Timor-Leste (2.84), Lesotho (2.78), Madagascar (2.73), Burkina Faso (2.72), Swaziland (2.70), Burundi (2.57), Chad (2.55), Mauritania (2.55), Angola (2.49), Yemen (2.41), and Haiti (2.27).

China ranks 11th in the world with a 5.48 score, followed regionally by India ( 69th, 3.89), Sri Lanka (71st, 3.88), Pakistan (102nd, 3.39), and Bangladesh (113th, 3.20). Last year India ranked 48th with a score of 4.03, China (36th, 4.35), Pakistan (88th, 3.54), Sri Lanka (66th, 3.81), and Bangladesh 115th, 3.19).

According to the report, Sweden ranks first among 142 economies, followed by Singapore and Finland; the Nordic countries lead the ICT revolution. The United States, ranked 8th, benefits from strong ICT infrastructure, but weaknesses in the political and regulatory environment hinder its overall performance.

However, ICT readiness in sub-Saharan Africa is still low, with most countries showing significant lags in connectivity due to insufficient development of ICT infrastructure, which remains too costly, and displaying poor skill levels that do not allow for an efficient use of the available technology. Even in those countries where ICT infrastructure has been improved, ICT-driven impacts on competitiveness and well-being trail behind, resulting in a new digital divide.

The networked readiness index has been an annual feature of World Economic Forum since 2002. This 11th edition of the Index focus especially on the transformational impacts of ICT on the economy and society.

The report says that ICT readiness and usage remain key drivers and preconditions for obtaining any impacts. Despite ICT becoming increasingly universal, the question of access and usage remains important--especially for developing countries, given their need to narrow the digital divide. Even within developed nations, the need to provide high- speed broadband to all segments of the population has acquired importance in recent years. Despite recent improvements in overall competitiveness rankings, the BRICS, led by China at 51st, lag behind more advanced economies.

The report says that the advanced economies lead the emerging countries by a significant margin in terms of access and use of information and communication technologies (ICT), and thus its economic and social impacts. The digital divide is the widest with sub-Saharan Africa, and smaller with Developing Asia and with Latin America and the Caribbean. The divide is particularly deep in terms of infrastructure quality and digital content accessibility. In sub-Saharan Africa, the shortcomings in terms of skills and affordability--two critical areas of ICT readiness--are just as serious.

This poor preparedness in turn contributes to explaining the region's dismal performance in terms of usage. Sub-Saharan Africa remains by far the world's least-connected region. Only 13 per-cent of individuals in sub-Saharan Africa use the Internet, 8 percent of households in the region own a personal computer (PC), and less than 4 percent have access to the Internet at home.

By comparison, in Developing Asia 20 percent of individuals use the Internet, 22 percent of households own a PC, and 14 percent have access to the Internet at home. In terms of differences across developing regions, Developing Asia and Latin America and the Caribbean are very close in most dimensions. Exceptions are found in the affordability pillar and government usage pillar--that is, the leadership role that governments undertake to develop and leverage ICT in society, where the former outperforms the latter. In fact, Developing Asia has almost closed the gap with advanced economies in this latter dimension.

The Networked Readiness Index uses a combination of data from publicly available sources and the results of the Executive Opinion Survey, a comprehensive annual survey conducted by the Forum in collaboration with partner institutes, a network of over 150 leading research institutes and business organizations. This survey of over 15,000 executives provides insight into areas critical for networked readiness.

The presentation of the NRI rankings is followed by contributions by academics and industry experts, exploring the drivers and consequences for individuals, businesses and governments of living in a hyperconnected world.

The report contains detailed country profiles for the 142 economies featured in the study, providing a snapshot of each economy's level of ICT uptake and economic and social impacts. Also included is an extensive section of data tables for the 53 indicators used in the computation of the index.

The entire document is available here.

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A large number of people, including media workers and entrepreneurs from Jhapa, Morang, Sunsari and Ilam as well as civil society members and ordinary people gathered at the last rites of the slain jouralist Yadav Poudel, perfromed this afternoon at Kankai river in Jhapa, reports Gyanendra Niraula from Jhapa.

Photo © Yadav Poudel/Facebook




















The Jhapa chapter of Federation Nepalese Journalists has condemned the killing of journalist Yadav Poudel who had been working with various news outlets based in the district.

The president of FNJ Jhapa chapter Ganesh Pokhrel and secretary Dipenwala Rai issued today a press statement calling for an immediate arrest of the killer(s) and stern punishment.

A delegation led by the eastern region coordinator of FNJ Mohan Kaji and chapter president Pokhrel reached the District Administration Office today and submitted a press statement to chief district officer Narendra Raj Sharma. The statement said the killing of journalist Poudel involved serious conspiracy and it called for an immediate action against the culprits.

The statement also called for the formation of a investigation committee, the security of the media fraternity, and appropriate compensation for the family of the slain Poudel.

Responding to the delegation's call, the CDO promised that efforts will be focused on arresting the culprits as soon as possible and to bring justice to the victim and his family members. He also tried to assure the journalists disclosing that the police were close to solving the case.

Meanwhile, police have arrested 16 people suspected of their involvement in the incident. Those arrested for questioning include the former president of Jhapa Hotel Entrepreneurs Association Yuba Raj Giri, the proprietors of Purwanchal Sekuwa Corner Som Dhakal and Manju Dhakal, as well as Gopal Yokten, Yogesh Ranapaheli, Roshan Ranapaheli. The names of others arrested have not been made public.

Police have said that they are close to gathering the facts and will be releasing the details soon.

The last rites of journalist Poudel were performed around 4:30 pm today at the river Kankai. A corner meeting was organized following the last rites. The meeting was addressed by district president of Nepali Congress Uddhav Thapa, UML district chair Rabin Koirala, district in-charge of UCPN (Maoist) Jhalak Singh Darlami and the eastern regional coordinator of FNJ Mohan Kaji.

Speaking at the corner meeting, leaders of political parties emphasized that the killers must be apprehended and punished. FNJ eastern regional coordinator Kaji expressed dissatisfaction on the deteriorating security situation for journalists in the district and emphasized that the government must take the responsibility of providing security to journalists.

A large number of people, including media workers and entrepreneurs from Jhapa, Morang, Sunsari and Ilam as well as civil society members and ordinary people gathered at the funeral procession today. Rallies were held in Birtamod and other parts of the country calling for action against the culprits and improved security for journalists.

The 38-year-old journalist Poudel was killed last night at around 1 am near the new Bus Park at Birtamod by an unidentified group.

Poudel, originally a resident of Sijuwa-9, Morang, had been working as a journalist in Jhapa since the last five years. The district police office have said that Poudel was attacked by a sharp weapon. He was deeply wounded in his neck, face, and head. Police had reached the spot of the incident at 1:30 am last night.

A district correspondent for Avenues TV and for Rajdhani daily newspaper, Poudel also worked as the executive editor of New Mechi Times, a local daily published out of Birtamod.

Police had found Poudel's body in front of Purwanchal Sekuwa Corner at the new Bus Park, at the eastern part of the city. His motorcycle was lying near his body and his shoes remain missing. Police have suspected that Poudel's body was dragged to the place where it was lying after he was killed somewhere in the vicinity of that spot.

Poudel is survived by his wife Sonam, his son Kshitiz, daughter Bitisha and his elderly mother. His father passed away years ago. The only son to his parents, Poudel has four sisters.

Shocking incident
The killing comes as a shock to many especially because security conditions for journalists in the whole region spanning the Mechi Zone had remained fairly good. The worst case scenarios were threats to journalists on phone from disgruntled people and cases of violence were virtually non-existent.

The incident comes after two years of a relatively peaceful intersession for journalists in the country, since the killing of Uma Singh (January, 2009) and media entrepreneurs Arun Sighaniya of Janakpur (March 2010), Jamim Shah of Kathmandu (Feb 2010). As many as 13 journalists have been killed in Nepal since 2002. Media watchdogs and rights groups have repeatedly noted widespread impunity in the killing of journalists in Nepal.

Bhola Poudel, one of the uncles of the slain journalist told reporters that he saw no signs of untoward incident when he had met Yadav a couple of weeks ago. He was telling me that he was doing well as a journalist and he was not facing any risks or threats for his works, the elderly Poudel said.

In fact, unlike some journalists who depend on multiple jobs for sustenance, Yadav was giving his full time to journalism working for multiple news organizations.

Killed for his reporting?
The Jhapa FNJ branch has suspected that Yadav was killed for his reporting works. It is learned that in recent times, Yadav had been doing investigative pieces on prostitution in the new Bus Park area in Birtamod and it must have earned him enemies among the illegal business operators.

Police have said that Yadav had been reporting about the burgeoning prostitution trade in the hotels around the new Bus Park area in Birtamod and the fact that he was killed near a hotel leaves room to relate the incident to his journalistic work.

A report by the Dhulabari-based Sargam FM radio, quoting the editor of New Mechi Times, Tirtha Sigdel, said that Yadav had not been coming to his office since the past two days, and he was reportedly working with the former president of Jhapa Hotel Entrepreneurs Association Yuba Raj Giri and some others in preparation for the launch of a new daily newspaper on April 13, 2012.

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Photo © Gerhard Schoenhofer/Nepal Monitor

First, could you share with us your current engagements? And how did you end up being the editor of Kantipur?
Currently I am the chief-editor of Kantipur national daily, the largest selling daily newspaper in Nepal. I am in this position for almost four years now. I was with Kantipur publications for five years already as an editor and assistant editor (for one year) of the weekly newsmagazine Nepal, a sister publication of Kantipur media. Before that, I was also with another news magazine, Himal and other print media. I'm in this profession for 19 years now; and with Kantipur publishers for more than nine years. I started my career from a vernacular weekly, then I switched my work focus to news magazines and now I am busy with the daily newspaper.

What kind of education did you choose for your career?
Actually, I studied science and then I switched to humanities. For this profession I have not taken any formal or specialized course. I learned this job via learning by doing.

How do you describe the reach of Kantipur these days in the Nepali mediascape? And its influence?
Kantipur has a certain history. It is the first newspaper that started after the political change in 1990. Before, we had an autocratic type of rule. When we got a democratic system, Kantipur was started as the first large-scale private sector newspaper. Before that, there was only one government newspaper, Gorkhapatra. They had a huge circulation those days. But after a few years, Kantipur and its sister publication, The Kathmandu Post, became the number one newspaper in Nepal. Before Kantipur was established, the mainstream media of Nepal were the weekly vernaculars. But gradually, the daily papers, mainly Kantipur, took over that kind of role. Kantipur's circulation is more than 250 000 copies per day. We have several editions, from Kathmandu; it's the capital edition, and then we have regional editions from Bhiratnagar, from Bharatpur and from Nepalgunj. We also have a weekly edition being published from Doha, Qatar. We also publish other newspapers and magazines; we do have a radio and a television station as well. In the initial phase we had only Kantipur and The Kathmandu Post, so now we have an extended family. We call it the Kantipur Media Group.

I can give an example for what type of influence we have: Some leaders, who should have been responsible to complete the peace building- and constitution making process in time, were recently going on a two-week trip to Switzerland. ´We published their photos and just now, before you came here, the UML decided not to send their leaders to that foreign trip. Also the Maoists and other parties made similar decisions. It means that the Nepali society listens to what we write and what we are saying. We earn a very high degree of credibility from our readers.

And obviously you also have a high degree of political influence.
Yes, and we have become a part of our democratic movement as well. Because our profession and our newspaper can only survive in a democratic system, we are now in a transitional process, just like our country. Our declared agenda is therefore to strengthen the democratic development.

What can you tell us about the contents? What is the share of coverage in terms of politics, culture or sports, etc?
Due to the current phase of political transition, most of the front page news is political. We also cover non-political issues on the front page, but it depends on the type of situations in our country. We also consider the public sentiment, their demands and their needs. A lot of things determine the type of news we cover with priority. Two thirds of the newspaper is political. We also carry the news from outside the valley. Then we have our city page, general news and the two-page Op-Ed section. In this section we do not only publish political commentaries but also other different types of opinions, also non-political ones. And we have an art and entertainment section next to our international news section. The four-page section of business & economics comes next, leading towards the final section, the sports page. This shows that content is diverse and mixed and if you count the number of the news items, then you will see that the non-political news prevails. In the front page, though, is full of politics.

How would you define the relation between Kathmandu and the rest of Nepal in terms of spatial concentration of media, as all the big media houses are located here in the capital city? Some have even called this phenomenon "Kathmandu-centrism"?
A lot of Nepali media are Kathmandu-centric. Physically they are present in Kathmandu, their headquarters are here, but the content also is very Kathmandu-centric. But we are an exception, because we are the only media company which has a country-wide network. We have more than 100 reporters outside the Kathmandu Valley and it is only us who have the strength of such a wide network. Other newspapers lack such reach. This is also a reason for our success. We also publish news from Jhapa, it is an eastern district, as well as from the Mahakali region, in the far west. We offer diversity of news content, so we are a complete newspaper. There is a predominant focus in Nepali media to cover only Kathmandu-based events, but we do cover the country-wide, national news. Our paper also more pages compared to other newspapers, so we have relatively more space to cover those issues. We do have a wide reach, from the Kathmandu elites to the Kathmandu middle class to ordinary people outside the valley.

The term inclusion has become a major policy agenda in recent years in the media. How do you see the Nepali media covering or representing minorities like Dalits, Madhesis, Janajatis, women or children? How does Kantipur access and cover news about these groups?
As I told you earlier, we are also part of the political change, so we support these issues of inclusion, overall state restructuring and the constitution making agenda. We also give a lot of space to issues related to these groups and ethnic issues in general. It becomes visible in our news content and we leave some space in our Op-Ed page for further debates as well. Many interesting debates have grown and continued in our Op-Ed pages. We also taken the initiative to moderate some round table discussions on important contemporary topics and then published the outcome. We are very positive towards inclusion and minority issues.

Some critics have said that Kantipur has become some kind of monopolistic news outlet in terms of media production and ownership. Kantipur is big emporium and it has so many outlets, so it's pretty easy to gain a dominant position in the Nepali media, and some might even call it monopoly. What do you think about this term?
I don't want to use that word monopoly. But I can say that we have a very large influence in the Nepali society due to our reach and our success. Some people do ask questions about our superior presence in print, radio and television. Our management can give a proper answer concerning this issue, I can say only this: We have newspapers-- print media--, television and radio, and these are under our government's rules and regulations. These are operating under the proper rules and they are legitimate media.

The commercial interests have become pretty dominant these days in the media. Do you see that Nepali editors are losing their editorial independence? What kind of experience have you had as an editor here in Kantipur concerning commercial influence?
The main reason for Kantipur's success story is its editorial freedom. There is no interference from publishers or the management team in the editorial content. In the four years of my editorship, there hasn't been a single intervention from the publisher to stop publication of news or to censor news. But we faced very strange behaviors when we did not compromise on editorial content. I can give you an example: When we criticized some of the issues relating to India, our neighboring country, their Nepal policy, and the behavior of their diplomats here in Kathmandu, there were strange reactions. For example, the previous Indian ambassador Mr Rakesh Sood would get involved: Here in Nepal we have many multinational joint-venture companies from India with huge business networks. They are the major source of advertisement in Kantipur media. Mr. Sood emphatically instructed those Indian multinational companies not to advertise in the various channels of our media house. As a result, those advertisers stopped advertising in our publications for almost two years. The envoy wanted us to compromise with him on editorial content. But we didn't compromise and finally, after two years, when his term ended and he left Kathmandu, the next day those companies resumed advertising in our outlets. If commercial issues or agenda were our priorities, then we would have compromised, but that was not the case and we didn't do it. Our newsprints from Canada and South Korea were blocked for a month at the Indian port of Kolkata, in transit. Financially, that was a big loss for our company. Things like this happen, and we have experienced such things, but there is editorial freedom for me and m my team and there is no interference from the management side.

Did you face any similar issues with China?
Well, compared to India, China does not have that level of political penetration here. Yes, it may happen in the future, but not yet.

What does media professionalism and media ethics mean to you, and what overall role do they play at Kantipur?
We are only a medium to help make news accessible to the larger society. We are doing that under certain ethics developed over the years by Kantipur itself and also by our concerned authority. We have an internal code of conduct, but we also follow the code of conduct made by the Press Council as well as the government rules and regulations. I can't say that we haven't made mistakes. We have instances, some three to four cases, in which we not only took actions against those particular reporters who broke the code of conduct but also asked them to leave the company. Recently, one of our reporters was involved in plagiarism, and this was substantiated by our internal investigation. We asked for clarification and finally he left the company as we asked him to leave.

What exactly happened in this case? Some social media users portrayed it as a very extraordinary case of ethical lapse.
He was a coordinator of one of our supplements. His column was on technology issues. He copied some examples from a column in The New York Times. We found him guilty and initiated disciplinary actions against him.

Do these kinds of events harm the credibility of Kantipur?
Well, as an editor working for Kantipur I have to take the responsibility, but that was done by one particular reporter. In general, we have to trust our reporters. If somebody makes mistakes we are ready to investigate. I think the issue of plagiarism is widespread in the Nepali media, and I think it was the first time that we initiated this type of action. It was the first issue like that in Kantipur and we didn't compromise or took a lenient approach. That's not the case with other media houses.

But if these cases happen on a regular basis, it is kind of a negative factor for the credibility of the Nepali media in general. What can be done against plagiarism in order to prevent them in the future?
We took that incident as a lesson and we organized several discussions within our team and with our office-coordinators, the main responsible staff on the ground level. Everybody is now very aware about the importance of avoiding this kind of incident. We are very cautious that this type of issue shall not happen again.

Journalists might simply be too busy and there's also the issue of the lack of manpower in this sector. Some part of the responsibility to improve standards may also rest on journalism education, colleges or schools. How helpful do you think have training organizations or colleges been in developing media capacities in Nepal?
Previously, we had only few institutions that offered journalism courses such as the Nepal Press Institute. In the government university there was the RR-College, but there were only a few institutions these. Today, there are several private sector institutions. I can't tell you for sure but my impression is that the majority of these institutions are not so capable to offer some proper training. The quantity has increased but the quality hasn't. So we are thinking of establishing a separate training wing within our company. The training can be given by independent trainers from here and from abroad.

Is there already something like refresher courses, fellowship opportunities, cash incentives, awards or training being offered to staff?
Yes, we have cash incentives and also refresher trainings, but that is done by our own network and manpower. We also launched regional workshops for district reporters. But a proper way of training is still necessary. Occasionally, our reporters are also getting an orientation from different European and American institutions. Some are currently enrolled in academic and non-academic courses. Yet, we still have no proper mechanism for training. Until now, we either had to approach the private sector institutions for training possibilities or we had to make our own unit for training; so we have chosen the second option.

So that is also something you wish to have for your team? Do you think it would improve the overall quality of work?
Yes, definitely.

In the course of your work you must also have a lot of contact with the young and upcoming journalists. What would you state as the special strength of this new generation of journalists? What do they lack? What kind of qualities can they offer that perhaps the older generation is missing these days?
The new generation has energy. That is a very good thing, energy to do anything, in particular risky reporting. But they have no passion. They want to be a star within a few months. For six months we can see that their energy is very encouraging but it doesn't last long, it does not continue for long. It doesn't mean that the new generation is not capable; it's due to the new generation that our media is where it is today. We have also some drawbacks, that's a fact. But overall, the new generation is very promising.

Maybe this lack of motivation, of passion, comes from the increasing commercialization of the media in Nepal?
Maybe, yes.

What kind of effect has the work from you and your team had on the people here in the Kathmandu Valley? What is the implication for the people in terms of public opinion making? In what ways are these implications different here in the valley compared to somewhere in the mountains? Political discussion on new media such as Twitter and Facebook is now an essential factor also for the public opinion making, as the plagiarism case here in Kantipur one month ago demonstrated. Many people just take part in this discussion which is not possible somewhere in the villages where you don't have access to the Internet.
One good thing is that our newspaper is available in every district headquarters as well as smaller urban centers. Through that network we have a big reach in several remote villages. Kantipur is brought from the district headquarters to these villages and people there read week-old editions with interest. They have a kind of curiosity in our newspaper even when it is from days back. However, it is true that due to its size and the limitations in circulation we don't have full access to every part of our country. Still we are trying to expand the network. My feeling is that we are trying to be a bridge between the ruler community or the Kathmandu center and the people. Let me tell you what we recently did: We carried a long feature about one 18-year-old werewolf girl. She lives in a remote village in the Dolakha district. One side of her face was totally hairy dark, with fur growing all over. When we published her photo and the story about her, one of the hospitals in Kathmandu offered her free plastic surgery service. Five hours surgery, and now the girl is fine. This is only one recent case. This kind of social work continues, parallel with other types of reporting. It is true that not only media but our whole system is mainly focused and concentrated on Kathmandu affairs. That is the drawback of the Nepali media. But we are trying to break that trend.

How do you look at the consumption of news content produced in Kathmandu by Nepali migrants living, for example, in Malaysia, Kuwait or Qatar? Does it happen mainly via the Internet? Do you think people, although they are abroad, feel the need to stay in touch with the news in Kathmandu?
Yes, most readers read through the net. A huge chunk of Kantipur goes to Hong Kong daily. Also in Malaysia and other parts of the world, but in the Middle East we have a separate weekly edition of our newspaper. We publish a weekly Kantipur newspaper from Doha, and I am also the editor of that edition.

Is the content in those editions different from what you publish in Kathmandu?
The content is different. It is in a 16-page format and gets published on Friday. From Doha, we distribute it to the gulf region. In Europe and the USA, the Nepali readers access Kantipur through the Internet. We feel that the number of people accessing Kantipur through the Internet is increasing.

So Internet is becoming a big factor for accessing news and media?
Indeed. We have separate news portals in Nepali and English. Besides, we also have e-papers. Many readers access Kantipur through e-papers because they can read it on their mobile devices.

How do you personally use and access social media like Twitter? How does it contribute to your job as an editor? How do you use it as a communication tool?
Personally, I use Twitter (@sudheerktm) only, I have no Facebook account. Our news portal also uses Facebook and Twitter. I think we have to be alert about what is going on in the social media. We have to be responsible, like the recent plagiarism case showed. It was heavily discussed on Twitter and so I personally answered some of the issues concerning that case through Twitter.

Did you also post something on your personal account to help explain that?
Not only that but I also announced that we had taken disciplinary actions against that particular reporter. I posted that type of issue through Twitter. That was the first case because we had no experience to share our official matters through social media. We had to do that because we felt a very huge pressure through social media. For personal issues and also for our media house, I think social media makes Nepali media much more responsible as it is a totally different platform. We are now learning how to use and to connect social media with the print newspaper.

It's a new area now that somehow I can imagine. I guess you have much more possibilities to interact with the readers of your newspaper. If you post on a Twitter account, your message pops up immediately...
The direct interaction with the reader is definitely increasing through the social media. Before, we had only one-way access. Sure, some readers responded through posting letters but these days we are in direct exchange through social media.

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This is reported in a global survey of perceptions of media freedom 2011 carried out throughout the same year in 133 countries.

To the survey question "Do the media in this country have a lot of media freedom or not?" more Nepalis responded with the response "Yes" (46%). Fewer responded with the answer "No" (29%), or "Don't know" or refused to answer the question (25%).

In terms of the positive "Yes" score, Nepal's ranking for 2011 is 114 out of 133 nations.

In 2010, Nepal was 89th out of 112 countries. The responses last year, in 2010 were as follows: Yes (48%), No (25%), Don't know/refused (26%). In 2010, the world median was as follows: "Yes" (67 percent), "No" (23 percent) and "Don't know"/"refused to respond" (6 percent).

In South Asia, Indians led the other countries in their perception of free media, with 69 percent saying that their country had a lot of media freedom, as compared with Pakistan (66 percent), Sri Lanka (65 percent), Bangladesh (58 percent), and Afghanistan (51 percent).

Globally, this year, on top on the list were Finland (97 percent), Netherlands (96 percent), Australia (94 percent), and Ghana (93 percent). As many people in Germany (92 percent) perceived their country had "a lot of media freedom" as those in Sweden, Cananda, UK and New Zealand.

Last year, Netherlands was on top of the list, followed by Denmark, Australia, Sweden, Finland and Germany. The research data for this survey in Nepal was collected between April 17-May 4, 2011. Interviews were conducted face-to-face in Nepali language with 1,000 individuals. The margin of error was 3.9 percent.

In 2011, countries with the least perceived media freedom included Belarus, Gabon, Armenia, Mauritania, Congo Brazzaville, Palestinian territories, Congo (Kinshasa), Angola, Zimbabwe, Chad, and Iraq. To the question if media in the individual "country had a lot of freedom or not?", responses in the "yes" in these countries ranged from 23 percent to 38 percent and responses in the "no" ranged from 46 percent to 71 percent. The survey was conducted throughout 2011 in 133 countries.

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Gallup Event: Measuring Media Freedom Worldwide: The Broadcasting Board of Governors (BBG) and Gallup held an event on March 28, 2012, at Gallup's world headquarters in Washington, D.C., to discuss how the world's populations perceive media freedom in their countries. Gallup and BBG also announced the details of their new global research project to better understand media use around the world. WATCH THE VIDEO
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In 2010, countries with the least perceived media freedom included Chad, Haiti, Armenia, Belarus, Mauritania, Palestinian territories, Zimbabwe, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, and Ecuador. To the question if media in the individual "country had a lot of freedom or not?", responses in the "yes" in these countries ranged from 27 percent to 38 percent and responses in the "no" ranged from 45 percent to 72 percent. The survey was conducted throughout 2010.

The global median for the "Yes" response was 65%. This remained essentially unchanged from the median of 67% found in 2010. A report by Gallup says these views still vary worldwide, ranging from a low of 23% in Belarus to a high of 97% in Finland.

The report further says that the countries where perceived media freedom is lowest span multiple regions, including the Middle East, sub-Saharan Africa, and former Soviet Union countries. Fewer than 4 in 10 adults in 11 countries, including Gabon, Armenia, Palestinian Territories, and Iraq, say their media have a lot of freedom -- despite legal or constitutional provisions that guarantee freedom of the press or speech in most of these countries. Independent media evaluators, such as Freedom House and Reporters Without Borders, also rate these 11 countries poorly on their freedom of the press indicators.

The Gallup report says that people's perceptions generally compare with experts' assessments, such as the Freedom House annual reports. Freedom House assesses the political, legal, and economic environments of each country and evaluates the extent to which the countries promote or restrict their media. Freedom House rates each country in these three categories and assigns it a value, with the higher numbers indicating less freedom. Freedom House then uses these scores to rate each country's media as "free," "partly free," or "not free." Resident perceptions of media freedom using Gallup data highly correlate with Freedom House scores.

However, the report pointed out that opinions in several countries indicate that people perceive a level of media freedom that is higher than independent, external evaluations would suggest. For example, in Botswana, Cambodia, Hong Kong, Indonesia, Kuwait, and Liberia, 80% or more of residents report to Gallup that their media are free; however, Freedom House does not classify the media in any of these countries as "free."

Given the general lack of assessments that directly ask the public about their views of the media, the Gallup survey findings have important implications for policymakers seeking to gauge public opinion. In their report, Lee Becker, a Gallup senior research adviser, and Tudor Vlad, a Gallup senior research adviser write that traditional measures of media freedom have relied heavily on external assessments. While these evaluations are highly informative, the perceptions of people living in these countries are important for policymakers to consider in the ongoing discussion about freedom of the press. Gallup's ongoing worldwide survey research also enables tracking of how these perceptions are changing over time.

Details on methodology and data collection going back to 2005 are available here.

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